Emlékek egy letűnt korszakból. Egy futballista emlékezései 1926-ból
Original publication: Nemzeti Sport, 1926
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Original publication: Nemzeti Sport, 1926
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Zwischen den zwei Weltkriegen beschäftigten sich die Leiter der reformierten Kirche in Siebenbürgen mit dem Problem der Diasporagemeinden. Der Verwaltungsrat der reformierten Kirche in Siebenbürgen hat an die Gemeinden sieben Rundbriefe mit dem Thema Diaspora-mission geschickt Mit diesen Schriften hat der Verwaltungsrat die regelmässige Arbeit in Diasporagebieten vorgeschrieben. In den meisten Gemeinden wurden diese Briefe ernst genommen, und viele Gemeindepfarrer begannen auch Gemeinden in der Diaspora zu betreuen.Die Studenten der theologischen Fakultät haben auch an dieser Mission teilgenommen.
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In this paper author deals with history of Zenica steel factory from its foundation in 1892, to the beginning of World War II in Yugoslavia in 1941. During this period factory grew to become one of the biggest factories in Bosnia and Herzegovina which at the midst of World War 2 employed several thousands of workers. During this time, Zenica Steelwork factory influenced all aspects of life in Zenica; economy, demography, education, etc, which is also described in this paper. During last year of Kingdom of Yugoslavia, factory was greatly expanded, in efforts of Yugoslavia to strenghten its weak metal industr, so Zenica becomes on of centres of metal production. Foundation of first schools and efforts in education in Zenica are closely related to Mine and Steel Factory in Zenica, so author especially paid attention to this aspect.
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Raymond Williams (1921 – 1988), one of the founders of Birmingham School of Cultural Studies, is known not only in Britain but in many other countries as an effective intellectual and social critic. His extensive studies focus on subtitles as social conflicts, ecology, and communication. This study is based upon the short text he wrote on advertisement, he defines as a striking means in his study titled “Advertising: The Magic System in Problems in Materialism and Culture”. This study aims to discuss the point of view of the author, who regards advertisement as the official art of capitalistic societies in his mentioned text, in the light of the experiences of USSR by taking into account the political, economic and cultural developments in the 20th century. In this regard, the concept of advertisement viewed as a complementary confined to capitalistic societies and economic relations cannot live in non-capitalistc societies and economic relations according to historical deterministic standpoint. Such an approach makes the possible existence of advertisement in non-capitalistic societies and economic relations, even if with different purposes and forms, open to discussion needed to be analysed. This study, focusing on this issue,can be seen as an academic attempt with the aim of making contribution to the field, as it makes use of relevant literature and concrete data. In the study, in addition to the theoretical discussion of the issue, case study analysis is also carried out through selected examples. Thus, the public information and propaganda issues will be discussed through the experiences of USSR, which constructed and defined its existence outside the capitalistc production and distribution web, lasting politically for a long period in the 20th century. In order to limit the approximately one century period of experience and thus deepen the study, the three production domains defined as early period public information between 1917-1925 of the USSR are included into the study; “representation in cinema, information posters, and ceramic objects used with the aim of propaganda”.
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The study aims to analyse some fundamental directions related to the emergence and evolution of the student dormitories pertaining to the University of Iași during the interwar period. The objectives refer to the reactions of the central institutions to the need to create living conditions for the wave of students coming to the city starting with 1918, the evolution of the meaning of student dormitory and the identification of places where spaces designed to encourage young people to study in Iași. The problem of building several student dormitories came against the background of the crisis incurred by the University even from the phase immediately following the union of Bessarabia, Bukovina and Transylvania with the Kingdom of Romania. The plans for student dormitories were permanently dependent on the resources that could be provided by the government authorities. For these reasons, the Ministry of Public Instruction became a determining factor in order to remedy the disorders caused by the sudden increase in the number of students enrolled at the oldest Romanian university. However, the financial support came with delays that blocked the activity of the institution. The 1930s brought more changes in the efforts to create living conditions for the students, although not everyone was able to find a place. The option of renting other buildings has been replaced by investments in the University possessions. The existence of student dormitories went through three major phases in the period between the two World Wars. After the University’s attempts to alleviate the crises generated by the increasing waves of students, stage followed aimed to obtain necessary properties to prepare rooms that guarantee the life of young people in Iași. The effects of the economic crisis were visible both in the difficulty of managing the student dormitories and in the impos-sibility of ensuring a place for a large number of students through the construc-tion of new buildings.
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The southern periphery area appeared in the city government’s development plans in the late 19th century, and was envisioned as an industrial and recreative area that would include a port on the river Sava. Its value as a residential area was foreseen only in the Main Regulatory Plan of 1930/31, which was approved in 1940. The lack of a regulatory basis for this area was the consequence of the unregulated flow of the Sava, whose annual flooding remained a threat, and also of the railway to the north, which cut the area off from the Lower Town and city centre. This so-called ‘Railway Question’ burdened the city government for decades after the erection of the Main Railway Station building in 1892, though it was somewhat ameliorated by the construction of an underpass on Miramarska Road in 1913. The separation of the southern periphery from the city due to the railway and the unregulated Sava prevented the development of the city in the north-south direction, so it developed longitudinally. The regulation of the Sava began in 1899, and by 1918 the river was consolidated into a single riverbed, its branches were cut off, and it was set into a characteristic bend with a centreline perpendicular to the medieval city core. However, the threat of flooding continued until the 1930s, when the Trnje embankment was completed, providing at least some protection for the southern border of the southern periphery.An urban population boom, characteristic of cities across the globe after World War I, took place in Zagreb. Most of the growth was due to people moving in from Zagreb’s rural surroundings and northern Croatia. One of the first problems that were detected was the lack of housing, especially that which would be affordable to the newly arrived immigrants. Although many of them found employment in the city or the factories that had by then developed on its periphery, their limited and modest incomes soon drove them out of the city centre and towards the periphery. There they built houses and had space for gardens and domestic animals, mostly on rented lots. The most pronounced characteristic of the population of the southern periphery was illegal construction; between 5,000 and 6,000 such buildings were erected in the interwar period. This phenomenon naturally led the new citizens into conflict with the city government.Even though Marxist historiography accused the ‘bourgeois government’ of deliberately ignoring the population of the periphery, this seems to be an exaggerated interpretation, though these citizens were often treated as ‘little people’. Various city governments, especially in the 1930s, had a pronounced social dimension, especially in regard to basic social benefits, but also in the construction of a limited number of dwellings for the poorer strata of the population. It seems more accurate to say that the city authorities ignored the southern periphery area. The city government lacked the funds to properly deal with the less-than-ideal area that was literally cut off from the city due to the railway and also exposed to flooding, which reinforced the mutual feeling of isolation.In this entire period, the population of the southern periphery was addressed as ‘little people’ and they never reached the level of ‘citizens’, marking this area a sort of ‘non-city’. In this sense, it is no wonder that, after the flood of 1923, only around 75 Zagreb citizens donated (mostly useless) clothing and footwear to victims from the periphery. Their relationship was problematic and full of mutual accusations. However, these ‘non-citizens’ and ‘little people’ actually forced the city government to begin addressing the southern periphery. Positive changes can be detected from the 1930s, during the mandate of Ivo Krbek. Following the mass immigration after World War I and until 1928, the inhabitants of the southern periphery reached a critical mass, i.e. they had sufficient numbers to allow them to remain in this area. The ideal plan of the city government was to buy houses from illegal builders or to offer them land in the regulated parts of the city, and thus free up this space for some future urban development. However, the chronic lack of funds and lots as well as the inadequate utility infrastructure hindered these efforts and widened the gap between ‘city’ and ‘periphery’.
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The paper endeavours to outline biographical fragments and fathom the character of Josip Vragović (1886–1965), a long-time employee and director of the Zagreb police in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Independent State of Croatia. The paper also shows the structure of the interwar Zagreb police and Vragović’s closest associates. Particular emphasis is put on Vragović’s professional activity in the period of turbulent social and political conditions in 1918, 1941, and 1945, and some light is shed on his private life (as much as possible through available archival sources).
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Using archival data, press articles, and historiographical and memoir literature, this paper reconstructs biographical details from the life of Edo Marković, agronomist, civil servant, member of the National Council of Slovenes, Croats, and Serbs, Rotary Club activist, and general manager of the state monopoly company for the purchase and export of agricultural produce. The life philosophy of Edo Marković, which could be described in brief as opposition to inertia and authority, led him from his early childhood into temptations, which he overcame by following his intuition. They included identity dilemmas, education, political experimentation, and a principled determination to ‘serve the homeland, not the government’. Thanks to the organisational skills he displayed during World War I, his later banking career, the international reputation he enjoyed in the highest Freemason and Rotary circles, the crown of which was his position in the League of Nations, he acted more like an expert than a politician. Even though he was a member of several political organisations, he continued to adhere to the ideology of his old company, grown from the Croatian-Serbian Coalition. His Rotary enthusiasm outweighed the dashed hopes about the future of the Yugoslav state, and contributed to a sort of internal escapism and turn towards international activism. The affinity of Marković’s children for left-wing ideas, despite their material status, was certainly fostered by the opinions of their father, who afforded them a comprehensive education, thus allowing them to independently form their views on how the Russian Revolution went astray, the consequences of the Nazi rise to power, and the characteristics of Anglo-Saxon civilisation. The close links of Edo Marković with Czechoslovakia were the consequence of inter-Rotary cooperation, his loyalty to the concept of the Little Entente, and his promotion of the controversial Yugoslav-Czechoslovak ‘grain arrangements’, for which he was often criticised. The high social standing of Edo Markocić was not immanent to the agrarian topics that he was preoccupied with from his student days until his death. However, his radical idea about the emancipation of national agriculture from foreign markets through the industrialisation of passive areas and the exploitation of their natural resources exposed him to accusations of ‘agrarian defeatism’ and treason. Apart from complaints about his staff policy, extravagance, and compulsive hoarding of war reserves, the sources used do not point towards any financial malfeasance on his part, which his predecessors at the head of the Privileged Export Society (PRIZAD) were notorious for. Indeed, due to his Jewish ancestry, Marković was subjected to additional attacks in the press, which, generalising his affiliation to the stratum of ‘Austro-Hungarian banking masters’, futilely attempted to discredit him regarding the purchase and export of grain and opium. Unlike his conflict with national interest groups, which was the consequence of his compliance with American demands for a more restrictive opium policy, Marković’s ‘lack of tact’, based on his political and ethical beliefs, made him an unreliable partner of the Yugoslav military command on the eve of the new war and a hinderance in the German ‘supplementary economic area’. If the official version of his murder is to be believed, Edo Marković died because he had raised his daughters in the spirit of liberalism, which eventually led to their active support of the Communists, and provoked the police raid in which he was killed. On the other hand, Marković, as a Freemason, Rotarian, ‘Christianised Jew’, anglophile, and opponent of economic cooperation with the Third Reich, was a perfect target for Nazi Germany, whose intelligence service had successfully infiltrated Yugoslavia. In both cases, Edo Marković became a victim of that which had preoccupied him from his earliest days, but which he had simultaneously avoided – politics.
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The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes / Yugoslavia was not a major subject of the operational activities (main operational objective) of the Polish military intelligence. Nonetheless, due to the implemented and planned strategic projects related to national defence, assignments were made to collect data, primarily on the military potential of the country, its politics towards neighbouring states, and the possibility of selling Polish arms to it. There is no doubt that the leadership of Poland and the intelligence officers were interested in the secret expansion of the Yugoslav army and its political and military relations with Czechoslovakia and Romania within the frame of its obligations as part of the Little Entente. The analysed documents show that the Polish army saw Yugoslavia as a state with complicated internal relations that seeks to preserve the Versailles order and has numerous scholarly and cultural ties with Poland. On the other hand, they detected Yugoslavia’s sympathy for Russia, Czechoslovakia, and Germany as well as its numerous White Guard diaspora, which was seen as an element infiltrated there by the Bolsheviks, and this certainly also influenced the decision that the Kingdom of Yugoslavia should be included in the intelligence activities of the Management of Intelligence and Reconnaissance Intelligence (P2) in order to evaluate its politics and military capabilities.
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Władysław E. Sikorski was born on May 20, 1881 in Tuszów Narodowe near Mielec. He graduated from the Lviv Polytechnic. Until 1918 he was active in the Independence Movement, he was a co-founder of the Polish Legions and the Supreme National Committee. In 1915 he fell into conflict with Józef Piłsudski as to the ways of rebuilding Polish statehood alongside Austro-Hungary and recruitment to the Polish Legions. From October 12, 1918 he served in the Polish Army. During the Polish-Bolshevik war (1919/1920) in the Warsaw battle in August 1920 he successfully commanded the 5th Army. Immediately after the murder of President Narutowicz on December 16, 1922 he was appointed the President of the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Poland and Minister of the Interior. In this difficult and dangerous for Poland time, contrary to appearances, it was not the function of Prime Minister but the post of Minister of the Interior that gave Gen. Władysław Sikorski real power and the possibility of direct influence on the internal situation in the country, and especially on its internal security. Gen. Sikorski made personnel changes in the structure of the Ministry, removing the people responsible, as politicians and civil servants, for the December 1922 incidents. He implemented the administrative policy of the Ministry, whose main purpose was to maintain peace and public safety by fighting the political fractions and parties that directly and openly aimed at overthrowing the current political and social order. Much attention was paid by the Minister of the Interior to the affairs of national minorities, especially the Ukrainian and Belarusian ones, as well as to the socio-political situation in the Eastern Borderlands. He prepared a comprehensive policy of the State towards national minorities, the basis of which was the concept of political (state) assimilation. The Cabinet of Gen. W. Sikorski was dismsissed on May 26, 1923, but did not resign until May 28, 1923. In the years 1923–1943 General W. Sikorski served, among others, as the Minister of Military Affairs (1924/1925) and after the defeat of September 1939, in exile (in France and England), he was the Prime Minister of the National Defense and Supreme Commander. He died in a plane crash in Gibraltar on July 4, 1943.
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W pierwszych latach po odzyskaniu niepodległości przez Polskę w 1918 roku w dziejach Akademii Sztuk Pięknych w Krakowie szczególne miejsce zajęły starania o utrzymanie przez krakowską uczelnię artystyczną statusu szkoły wyższej. Staraniom tym przewodzili rektorzy-architekci, Józef Gałęzowski i Adolf Szyszko-Bohusz, którzy stali na czele ASP w latach 1919-1929. Aspiracje uczelni spotkały się z niezrozumieniem ze strony Ministerstwa Wyznań Religijnych i Oświecenia Publicznego. Kolejne projekty statutu były ignorowane, a korzystna dla ASP nowelizacja odpowiednich ustaw odkładana w czasie. Walka o status akademicki krakowskiej ASP nabrała wymiaru ogólnopolskiego sporu prawników o kompetencje izb parlamentarnych i o interpretację konstytucji. Zakończyła się 16 lipca 1924 roku przyjęciem nowelizacji do ustawy o szkołach wyższych polegającej na dopisaniu krakowskiej ASP do grona uczelni o pełnym statusie akademickim. Prezentowane zagadnienie zostało opracowane na podstawie dokumentów znajdujących się w wielu archiwach polskich oraz artykułów prasowych z epoki. Artykuł, przedstawiający odcinek dziejów Akademii Sztuk Pięknych w Krakowie w jednym z jej najbardziej burzliwych okresów, stanowi przyczynek do biografii dwóch wybitnych architektów, Józefa Gałęzowskiego i Adolfa Szyszko-Bohusza.
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Przyszły Profesor Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, ks. Józef Adam Pastuszka, w 1912 r. rozpoczął studia w Wyższym Seminarium Duchownym w Sandomierzu i realizował je do pierwszej wojny światowej, która w następstwie działań wojennych w 1915 r. wraz z rodzicami i rodzeństwem zaprowadziła go na Wschód w okolice Brześcia. Kiedy udało mu się przedostać do Petersburga, podjął przez dwa lata kontynuację studiów w tamtejszym seminarium duchownym. Po czym przez rok 1917/1918 był studentem Akademii Duchownej w Petersburgu, gdzie miała swój początek, niejako „prehistorię” uczelnia lubelska. Rektorem Akademii był wówczas ks. Idzi Radziszewski. W roku 1917/1918 ówczesny rektor Akademii w Petersburgu podjął organizację Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego. W swoich wspomnieniach ks. Józef Pastuszka wyraził przekonanie, że zaistniały związki pomiędzy Akademią Duchowną w Petersburgu, która po rewolucji październikowej przestała istnieć, a powołanym do życia w 1918 r. Uniwersytetem Lubelskim. Związki te opierały się na tym, że rezydujący w Petersburgu arcybiskup mohylowski, jako zwierzchnia władza Akademii, przelał prawa i przywileje Akademii na Uniwersytet Lubelski. W lipcu 1918 r. jako subdiakon Józef Adam Pastuszka wrócił do kraju. Mając ukończony pierwszy rok studiów w Petersburgu został przez sandomierską władzę diecezjalną skierowany na studia do Innsbrucka (Austria). Pod koniec października 1920 r. otrzymał dyplom doktorski, a 1930 przeprowadził colloquium habilitacyjne na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim i uzyskał tytuł docenta filozofii i podjął pracę na Wydziale Teologicznym Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego. W 1934 r. został zatrudniony na Wydziale Humanistycznym Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego. Z chwilą wybuchu wojny w 1939 r. Uniwersytet Lubelski przerwał działalność. W połowie kwietnia 1945 r. Profesor powrócił do Lublina i objął dawną katedrę psychologii ogólnej w Katolickim Uniwersytecie Lubelskim. We wrześniu 1952 r. został usunięty z Uczelni. W 1956 ks. Józef Pastuszka znów powrócił do pracy na KUL. W lipcu 1969 r. przeszedł na emeryturę, w 1978 r., opuścił Lublin i zamieszkał w domu kapitulnym w Sandomierzu. Zmarł 13 stycznia 1989 r. w Sandomierzu, 17 stycznia w katedrze sandomierskiej odbyły się uroczystości pogrzebowe, 21 stycznia 1989 r. został pochowany w rodzinnej parafii Rzeczniowie.
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