Вацлав Вебериколл. Русская и украинская эмиграция в ЧСР в 1918-1945 гг.
Review of: Vaclav Veber et al. "Russian and Ukrainian emigration to the Czechoslovak Republic in 1918-1945." by: Vladislav Moulis
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Review of: Vaclav Veber et al. "Russian and Ukrainian emigration to the Czechoslovak Republic in 1918-1945." by: Vladislav Moulis
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Date: June 1-4, 1994 Place: University of Konstanz, Germany
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Date: August 14-15, 1995 Place: Prague, Czech Republic
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Review of: Karl Schlögel "The great exodus. The Russian emigration and its centers. 1917 to 1941." (Munich: С.H. Beck, 1994); by: Elena Chyniaeva
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Review of: "Political parties of Russia. The end of the XIX - the first third of the XX century. Encyclopedia." Moscow. "РОССПЭН". 1996. 800 p. by: Vladislav Moulis
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Епифанские шлюзы являются поворотным пунктом в творчестве А. Платонова. С этим произведением связан новый этап в жизни писателя - переезд в Москву, в самый центр государства, а затем в Тамбов. Публикация повести в „Молодой гвардии” (1927, № 6) и, в том же году, в отдельном издании принесла автору всесоюзную известность. В Епифанских шлюзах писатель обращается к чуждой или, по крайней мере, не типичной для него исторической тематике; кроме того, главный герой здесь, в отличие от большинства платоновских персонажей, иноземец. Этим Платонов устанавливает связь с такими произведениями, как Антисексус и Лунная бомба. Вместо „текстовых интерференций” между авторской речью и речью героя (Textinterferenzen - Schmid 1979, 79) и „перепадов тона” (Эйдинова 1978, 221) мы видим тенденцию, с одной стороны, к авторской речи, а с другой - к индивидуальной речевой характеристике персонажа, отчасти достигнутой „славянской вязью - тягучим слогом” (Платонов 1988а, 554, в письме к М. Платоновой от 1926 г.). Этим Платонов одновременно отдаляется от (лесковского) „сказа” и „орнаментальной прозы” и впервые существенно приближается к авторскому повествованию своих „зрелых” произведений. С „внутритекстовой точки зрения” (textimmanent) это повествование тяготеет к нейтральной речи (которой Платонов наделяет жителей нового степного центра - Чевенгура), а с „внетекстовой позиции” (textextern) оно дистанцируется от нормы литературного языка (нормы столиц Москвы/Петербурга).
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Review of: Ivan Savicky "Fateful meetings: Czechs in Russia and Russians in Bohemia. 1914-1938." Prague, Academia 1999, 279 p. by: Zdenek Sladek translation: M. Patonova
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История общества с длинным и сложным названием ≪Братство для погребения православных русских граждан и для охраны и содержания в порядке их могил в Чехословакии≫ (≪Успенское братство≫) тесно связана с жизнью, деятельностью, принципами и всем складом характера супругов Крамарж. На протяжении нескольких лет жизни это общество было для них источником положительных эмоций и удовлетворения - так же, как впоследствии стала источником разочарования и горечи.
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После международной конференции у нас начались политические акции, цель которых состояла в том, чтобы обеспечить ведущие позиции представителям заграничного сопротивления. А поскольку решающую роль в национальнодемократической партии играли лидеры внутричешского сопротивления, такие, как Крамарж и Алоиз Рашин, между этой партией и Градом обнаружились принципиальные политические разногласия. В ту пору преобладало, да и сегодня часто преобладает мнение, что речь, собственно, шла о ревности или тщеславии нескольких лидеров. Я думаю, что проблема здесь была более глубокая и принципиальная. Перед первой мировой войной Масарика и Крамаржа считали представителями так называемой ≪позитивной политики≫, то есть политики, принимающей существование Австро- Венгрии и нашего народа в ней. Из этого положения делали вывод, что между ≪позитивизмом≫ или ≪активизмом≫ тогдашней реалистической (масариковской) партии и партией младочехов не существовало принципиальных различий, что таковые были лишь в тактике. Я это считаю глубочайшей ошибкой. Исторические факты и субъекты нашей истории должны рассматриваться в процессе их отношений к революционному перевороту 28 октября 1918 г., то есть с той точки зрения, хотели ли эти люди переворота, готовили ли они его сознательно или бессознательно, или наоборот, по тем или иным причинам, выступали против его подготовки и его осуществления. Это различие не должно вести к осуждению тех, кто был против переворота, если, конечно, их поведение было обусловлено серьезными идейными основаниями. С этой точки зрения, позитивизм Масарика, отличался, без всяких сомнений, принципиальным
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Review of:"Russian national minority in the Republic of Estonia (1918-1940)." Edited by prof. S. G. Isakova. Tartu, St. Petersburg, "Cripta", 2000. 449 p. by: Zdenek Sladek
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Radničkom pokretu međuratnog razdoblja, koji je historiografski poznatiji , prethode i u Senju — kao i u nizu drugih malih gradova banske Hrvatske (Hrvatske i Slavonije) — određeni, ma koliko skromni, počeci prije prvog svjetskog rata.
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The author reviews mental disorder as a ground for divorce in the Czechoslovak Act No. 320 of 1919 Coll. This Act was called the Marriage Amendment and was in effect for the Czech countries until 1950. The author considers the wording of the Act itself, the explanatory report, jurisprudence, and the court practice. The author compares it to the Hungarian marriage law that continued to be effective in Slovakia until 1950. It was Act No. XXXI of 1894 (the so-called Marriage Act), which regulated divorces in Slovakia, despite adopting the Czechoslovak Marriage Amendment. The Hungarian Marriage Act did not recognise mental illness as a ground for divorce. However, it was a controversial topic in both legal environments, the Hungarian and Czechoslovak.
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In the early twentieth century, a major direction of psychological research was concerned with the psychology of peoples. This trend did not go unnoticed by Romanian researchers. Dumitru Drãghicescu (1875–1945) was the first Romanian scholar who was influenced by the ideas and concepts circulating at that time and who engaged, together with Constantin Rãdulescu-Motru, in complex approaches to the Romanians’ psychology. Using the insights of sociology, the field in which he completed his doctoral research, Drãghicescu wrote a study entitled On the Psychology of the Romanian People (1907), in which he undertook a characterological analysis that largely focused on the Romanians’ negative traits and brought him numerous criticisms. Given the topic it addressed, this work reflected the spirit of the time and was attuned to the prevalent European scientific paradigms. The present study aims to reconsider the personality and work of D. Drãghicescu, a scholar who was totally ignored during the communist period, and to outline his perspective on the education and morality of the Romanian people at the beginning of the twentieth century.
More...Lice diskurza u Krležinim Davnim danima i Djetinjstvu 1902-03
Pod nadnevkom 3. VIII. 1920. nalazim o u Davnim danima slijedeću indikativnu zabilješku: Razmišljam o pojmu: Ars scribendi. (...) Sta je jezgra, a što je ljuska toga posla? Sto znači pišući ljuštiti, i da li se uopće može nešto - oljuštiti pisanjem? Koliko zapravo daleko seže to što bi pisanjem trebalo oljuštiti, nedvosmisleno proizlazi iz prethodnoga programskog iskaza »Mrzim sve što nas čini time što jesmo«, a »što ja neću da budem «. Do čega bi pak onda tako radikalnom redukcijom trebalo doprijeti? U »trenutku sloma svih ovozemaljskih vrijednosti«, glasi dijagnoza vremena, »misija umjetnika... ne može da bude drugo, nego da propovijeda ljubav prema čovjeku kao takvom, bez obzira na meridijane, paralele, boju masti, države, nacije ili kontinente.
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In the history of constitutionalism, a very important stage was the adoption of new constitutions in many European countries within a few years after the end of World War I. The vast majority of these countries gained independence at that historic moment as a result of the collapse of two great empires: the Russian Empire and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. The constitutions established at that time practically everywhere declared a liberal-democratic model of the political system, an example of which could be the March Constitution in the Second Polish Republic or the fundamental laws of Czechoslovakia, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. They also include the then constitutional regulations in the Republic of Finland, the analysis of which is the main goal of this study. First of all, it is necessary to show the genesis of the adopted legal solutions and patterns that determined their final shape. However, special attention should be paid to the principles and basic institutions of the state system of Finland, as laid down in the Act on the Form of Government of 1919, which was not the only act of constitutional rank defining the system of that state at that time. It is also worth asking why the first constitution of the Republic of Finland adopted at that time, unlike the then constitutions of a significant part of European countries (including the Second Polish Republic), was not replaced in the 1930s by a completely new constitution, creating the basis for an authoritarian system of government. The comments presented in this article are the result of an analysis of the Finnish constitutional acts of the interwar period and the available historical and legal as well as legal and political literature.
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In establishing the thematic scope of this work, I assumed that its subject would be the process of the formation of border services in interwar Poland. This means a deliberate and complete disregard for the essentially distinct administrative role played by the border guard. The presentation of the Border Guard from an administrative perspective changes the situation so profoundly that a thorough discussion of its implications would certainly double the volume of the publication. A superficial treatment of the administrative issue would lead to misunderstandings. Furthermore, a superficial omission of the administrative issue was deemed necessary because the formations were mainly military in nature. Before going into details and elaborations, I would like to present my main research objective, which is the following question: what was the evolution of the legal status of Polish border formations in the inter-war period? In view of this objective, it is necessary to present the work from a historical perspective. The chronology of the facts is important for the subject matter, as it serves to systematise the considerations. The structure of the work and the research method were adjusted to the above mentioned assumptions of the publication, which shows the reasons for the creation and the process of transformation of the border formations in relation to various types of institutional solutions, up to the moment of the creation of the Border Protection Corps and the Border Guard Corps, operating under these names until 1939. The potential conclusions resulting from this chapter concern: the presentation of the institutional construction of the border formations in the years 1918–1939 and the demonstration that in the interwar period they were the main organs of the Second Polish Republic, which guaranteed the inviolability of state territory and the security of the citizens on the subordinate territory.
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Review of: Danuta Bruska, Prasa Piotrkowa Trybunalskiego 1805-1939. Monografia, Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN, Warszawa 2021, ss. 460
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The aim of this study is to highlight the competing visions on the development of higher education system in Romania, with a special emphasis on technical superior education. The research relies on the sociological theories regarding the “making” of the profession, a historical phenomenon that gained importance in the European societies during the 19th and the first half of the 20th century. According to Andrew Abbott’s idea, expressed in The System of Professions, “the central phenomenon of professional life is the link between a profession and its work, a link I shall call jurisdiction”. Starting from Abbott’s theory on professions, the study will focus on the debate regarding the institutionalization of an educational system that was supposed to provide professional expertise for its students, i.e. future engineers. Furthermore, the paper emphasizes the conflict and the competition between polytechnic institutions and universities, which both fought for the monopoly of the professional formation. This competition led to a debate and, at times, a legal conflict between the rivalling institutions, revealing antonymic visions of the cultural and socio-economic role of higher education. Professional associations, especially The General Association of Engineers from Romania (AGIR) (founded in 1918) played an increasingly important role in defining and delineating the privileges of the engineering professions.
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The article examines the place of Slavic symbols in the publications of the Russian press during the Balkan Wars. It was the symbols that a significant part of the newspapers used when describing the events. Thus, Greece was forgotten. However, Russian society showed little sympathy for Greece. Slavs became the personification of Christianity, progress, freedom, and anti-Germanism. Due to a number of factors, the symbols of brotherhood and the common Slavic cause were most actively used. When the conflict between Bulgaria and Serbia became obvious, Russian society began to talk about responsibility for the fratricide and the destruction of the common Slavic cause. As a result of the Second Balkan War, voices were heard demanding to abandon the Slavic policy of Russia. However, the role of the symbol of Slavs was too significant to be discarded. Therefore, there were attempts to save the symbol of the Slavic brotherhood and find other reasons for the events.
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Spanish publicists, theorists, and journalists followed the process of the Eastern Question and the Balkan Wars with great interest. While they sought to criticize the pan-Slavic Russian solution to national problems in the Balkans in the second half of the late 19th century (1875-1878), during the Balkan Wars, they primarily emphasized Bulgaria as a model of perfect military organization, system, and state. They largely perceived the expulsion of the Ottoman Empire as the expulsion of Islamic rule from Spain in the Middle Ages. Quite a number of Spanish intellectuals favored the “Bulgarian” solution to Macedonia, which could be explained by the zealous following of the news about the German dynasty in Orthodox Bulgaria and the potential closeness of the Bulgarian court to Catholicism. Some of these intellectuals define the tendency towards mutual confrontations between Serbs, Bulgarians, and Greeks as the backwardness of civilization. However, the Spaniards did not know much about the Balkans until the First World War because only after 1914 did a large number of publications appear that dealt significantly with this topic (travelogues and reportages in the Balkans, written by Gaziel, Angela Graupera, Saturnino Ximenez and other war correspondents and publicists).
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