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During the Russian Revolution of 1905, Juozas Gabrys alias Paršaitis already played an active political role as leader of the “Farmer’s Union”and one of the three secretaries of the “Great Diet of Vilnius”. Because of Russian repression he had to emigrate to Western Europe and in 1907 settled down in Paris, where he soon established an important political network. In 1911, he founded the “Lithuanian Information Bureau” and, together with the French journalist Jean Pélissier, the “Union des Nationalités” and its journal, the “Annales des Nationalités”. His aim was to achieve independence through propaganda, not only for the Lithuanians, but also for the other oppressed nationalities in Europe. World War I offered him a great chance to realize his aim.However, as France was allied with Russia he was obliged in July 1915 to move to Lausanne in neutral Switzerland. Here he was free to organize, with only seven employees, a vast propaganda campaign to liberate Lithuania from the Russian yoke. He published three specialist periodicals but also succeeded in flooding more than 50 European newspapers with Lithuanian propaganda. He also organized several conferences the most important being the 3rd “Conference of Nationalities” on June 1916 in Lausanne, where more than 400 delegates from various nationalities denounced their oppression by Russia and Britain. He was financed by Lithuanian emigrants in America and by the German Embassy in Berne, but his greatest exploit was the world-wide collect in support of Lithuanian war victims during “Lithuanian Day” on 20 May 1917 organized by the Catholic Church, which made this “Ethnic Entrepreneur” a millionaire.His influence on political events – the creation of the “Taryba” (Lithuanian Council) and the proclamation of the independence of Lithuania as German satellite state in March 1918 – was negligible. He supported the Taryba against the oppressive German military occupation regime but neglected to create a personal power base in Lithuania, and when after the German defeat, Lithuania became genuinely independent in November 1918, he was completely excluded from the government. Last efforts in 1919 to seize power in Lithuania either with the help of a French military mission or a coups d’état failed, and thereafter the political role of Gabrys was finished.
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The most strategic demand of the First World War was inarguably the oil. The places which the “Big Powers” mostly focused on for the supply of oil was East Europe, Black Sea, The Caspian Sea region. The operations which aimed to gain the dominancy over the region had continued after the war in 1919 as well as during the war times. The English who knew the strategic importance of the Caucasian Region, did not only control the oil regions in Baku but also caused major industrial losses in Soviet Russia. Apart from the Caucasian Region, the English also tried to gain the unilateral dominancy over the Black Sea, Sea of Azov and the Caspian Sea. The Soviet rulers who were trying to displace the Czarist Russia, also set eyes on the same region for it was vital for their future and to this respect fired the start of an extensive battle. On one hand, while the political, economical and military conflicts were going on, on the other hand, the ideological arguments had become the fundamental element of the expansionist policies. As the main sources of this study, Die Rote Fahne (Vienna), Pester Lloyd (Budhapest), Wiener Zeitung (Vienna) were thoroughly reviewed
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Vilayet of Shkodra has been one of the most problematic areas of Albania under Ottoman rule. The Empire didn't ever reach the goal to fully subdue that, because as it is known Mirdita and Malësia e Mbishkodres have always had a certain customary and religious autonomy. So, in short vilayet of Shkodra has had solid relations with High Gate. With the advent of the Young Turks in power in 1908 it was hoped that their reports would have improvements, because their electoral promises had managed to obtain the consent of that province. This hope was soon extinguished, because the government of the Young Turks not only didn't keep promises but also violated in the collecting taxes and disarmed the population through military expeditions. This behavior of the government urged greater dissatisfaction to Albanians who burst into regional insurgencies during 1909, 1910 and 1911 being concretized with the insurgency of 1912. This one that was exploded in Northern Albania, although there was no assistance from foreign countries, it succeed in uniting the Albanians against the Ottoman Empire. Although the human losses and material damages were considerable, they retracted until the High Gate decided in July 1912 to terminate military actions in Albania and accepted to sit in talks with insurgents. This was a prelude to the Proclamation of Independence.
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The present paper is of high relevance, because this year marks the 100th anniversary of the events of 1917, which forces us to reconsider the situation of that time. The subjects of the study are reflections of the ideological paradigm of the October Revolution in the consciousness of today’s young Russian people. The purpose of the study is to analyze changes in the attitude to the events of 1917 and the opinion of the modern Russian Society on them. The empirical material was investigated using content analysis with the AutoMap software. The results of the study show that young people today think that the October Revolution of 1917 is an important event of the 20th century, only, while the February Revolution is almost missing in their linguistic consciousness. The most popular is the idea of social justice. Among the historical characters of the events of 1917, the images of Lenin and Stalin stand out. The study has also revealed the high efficiency of the sacred ideals of Christianity as the basis for the formation of a new world order idols in Russia.
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In 1912, the Balkan War I broke out between the Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria, Greece, Serbia, and Montenegro. It came to an end with London Treaty on the 30th of May in 1913. Considering this war in terms of the Ottoman dominance in Balkans, it can be said that it was a vital one. Following the war, a psychological havoc was experienced besides the important losses of land. Even though the Ottoman Empire did not directly participate in the Balkan War II, which broke out soon afterwards, and took back the Eastern Thrace, Balkan Wars made their names in the history as the wars in which the Ottoman army, which was dealing with its domestic conflicts, failed to achieve anything against the aforementioned four states and important cities such as Thessaloniki, Skopje, Bitola, Ioannina, Shkoder as well as Edirne, which was previously one of the Ottoman capital cities, were lost Edirne was besieged by the Bulgarian army during Balkan War I and it was protected at the highest level as far as possible at the command of Mehmed Şükrü Pasha until the 26th of March in 1913. During the war, not only Ottoman people but also foreign diplomatic representatives maintained their lives under the siege in Edirne. One of them was French consul Marcel Cuinet. He made daily records of the incidents he had been through from the first days of the Balkan War I until the beginning of the interim armistice. Cuinet’s diary was published in French Le Matin in 1913 shortly after Edirne was occupied by Bulgaria. The Ottoman press also obtained the diary following its French edition. This diary witnesses military interventions in the lives of people, soldiers, and foreign diplomats in Edirne as well as the impressions of a French diplomat about the resistance of people.
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In this text the writer analyses the formation of attitudes of the Ukrainian civilian population settled in the territory of Eastern Galicia towards the representatives of the Polish civilian and military powers in the period of the Polish-Ukrainian (1918-1920) and the Polish-Russian (1920) war conflicts and in the immediately following period when Poland seized power over this territory. He develops the issue against a background formed by a complicated military and political situation in this area (including the consequences of Civil War in Russia which was fought also here). He pays special attention to its impact on everyday life and moods of the Ukrainian civilian population. Among the key factors influencing Ukrainian-Polish relations here was, on the one hand side, a mutual national conflict between the Poles and the Ukrainians over this territory; on the other, there were activities of the Bolsheviks who wanted to extend their power to eastern Galicia too. It ensues from the writer´s analysis that the Ukrainian intelligentsia was ready to cooperate with the Bolsheviks; however, their identification with this ideology remained only at the formal level. The Bolshevik, or Communist ideology and practice based on the negation of private property, which in reality meant an organised confiscation of private or communal property by revolutionary committees established at the same time, was absolutely contradictory to the traditional way of thinking of the Ukrainian peasant. After the defeat of the Bolsheviks in eastern Galicia, the Polish administration and institutes were being introduced into the area. The Ukrainians showed two faces in their attitude to them: the negative one was shaped by the conflict of national ambitions cherished by both sides, whereas the positive owed its appearance to a simple fact: the Polish administration seemed more acceptable than the Bolsheviks. Despite being much criticised by central authorities the process of establishingthe Polish administration at the local level was characterised by abuse of power. Naturally, such a practice was resented by the Ukrainians. Among other factors, reminiscences of these events marking the interwar period contributed to the formation of a negative attitude of the Ukrainians to the Polish state administration and to the Poles as well.
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Aim of investigation. The evolution of the idea of the nation in the context of the history of mentalities has juggled between the overbid of ethnos in shaping collective identity or in his supra-national identities melt of Communist origin, more recently-corporate, and the sources of diversity have changed along the time, contemporary ones being the rivers especially the phenomenon of migration and ethno-political division, diversification which force to consider the multinational democracy. Not that stood on top of things, in a Central Europe contorted by interests they had lost under the impulse of coagulation during the 19th century, century of exacerbation of the idea of nation based on ethnic factor. Creator of the psychological Romanian novel, alongside Camil Petrescu and Hortensia Papadat Bengescu, Liviu Rebreanu evokes, in the novel Forest of the Hanged the dramatic event of his brother's execution, Emil Rebreanu, an officer in the Austro-Hungarian army, for attempted escape. The method of this research it is a socio-literary one, based on the concepts of "nation" and "multiculturalism" in the beginning of the 20th century. The report collectivity/ individuality, sociopolitical landscape/consciousness acquires different consistency in the context of World War I. The dominance of the normative multiculturalism not facilitates the communication and the homogenization of interests, but contrary, accentuates them. These generalizations are customized through an individual experience that of the Romanian officer Apostol Bologa, forced to obey to fight on the military camp against the others Romanians, located at the south of Carpathians. The others characters belong, also, to others ethnic groups, placed at the beginning of the 20th century, in the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and living, in turn, the limits of this normative multiculturalism.Some of them prefer prudence and concealing, and some of them, as Svoboda and Bologa, are choosing radical solutions by desertion. It's the only way to solve the problems of conscience. The key point of the novel is the discussion in the military canteen, between officers, a miniature debating of the inhabitants of the Empire, concerning the notion of authority.Scientific novelty: the article proposes an interdisciplinary approach, at the intersection of the literary studies with the sociology (especially the behavior of the multiethnic group) and the psychology. Conclusion: in a context of crises, the characters valued the importance of humanity; Apostol Bologa shall be released of anguish by death, rescaling which heroism means.
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В исследовании предпринята попытка проанализоровать формирование международной системы в результате конфликтного взаимодействия акторов, а также влияние международной системы на формирование Германского государства. Целью является исследование развития внешней политики Германии в контексте ее взаимовлияния с системой международных отношений до Второй мировой войны. Методологическую основу исследования составляют синергетический и исторический подходы. Научная новизна заключается в анализе взаимовлияния внешней политики Германии и международной системы как предпосылки их взаиморазвития. Выводы. Анализ ключевых конфликтов и коалиций в Европе с участием немецких государственных образований позволяет выделить геополитически детерминированные предпосылки внешнеполитической стратегии Германии.
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The article is dedicated to the members of famous family of Southern Ukraine – to the Kuris family. They played important role in social, economic and cultural life. Based on archive sources and historiography the author made investigation. He traced the capitalistic evolution on the South of Ukraine during the second half of XIX – beginning of XX centuries. It was specific of Ukraine in that period. Specific of the region was shown on high productivity of land, wide application of rent of landlord’s territories. Also the developing was shown on active using of advanced tools, technics and rational crop rotation. Quick development of capitalism and razing of commodity money-relations in traditional branch of agriculture lead to changes of nobility state, which actively was including into capitalistic enterprise. Among the nobles who were in the vanguard of social and economic processes of the production capitalization was Kuris family. They could establish themselves as noble members during the end of XVIII – beginning of XIX centuries. Near the nobility they saved some nobles privileges. Therefore Kuris family received many good conditions for business activity. Kuris belonged to big landlords; even after peasant reform in 1861 they saved big places of land on their possession. This helped them to develop basic branches of agriculture and some other directions of industrial production. The culture of Kuris family could be called stable and economical rentable. In different periods of its existence were prevailed different ways of the management. Grain production was always important and played the main role, although crop areas were uneven and were depended on quantity of leased lands for rent or developing of other branches. In the second half of 1870s and first half of 1880s the dominant direction became sheep breeding. I. I. Kuris few times received awards at the exhibitions of different ranks in the South Ukraine. Also I. Kuris was planted the trees and was keeping the landscaping of the edge. He was very important person in developing the South Ukraine. He also was a good consolidator of the nobility in the questions of social and economic tendentious.
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The purpose of this article is studying of participation of the South Ukrainian historians in work of scientific congresses which took place in the second half of 19th - the beginning of the 20th century both in the territory of the Southern Ukraine, and in other regions of the Russian Empire and beyond its limits. The research of a question of participation of the South Ukrainian historians in work of scientific congresses confirms the leading positions of Odesa in historiographic process of this region. On the other hand, it is obvious that Archaeological congresses which were held each third anniversary in the Russian Empire were a powerful tool of involvement in the scientific historiographic field not only the academic historians, but also historians of the second plan, often just fans of old times. It in turn promoted an exit of historical researches in the south of Ukraine from a provincial state. Congresses performed important communicative function of establishing contacts between the South Ukrainian historians, between them and their colleagues from other regions; promoted inflow to the South Ukrainian historical science of new forces; to increase in interest in local, South Ukrainian history, development of researches of history of Ukraine; to strengthening of potential of local scientific organizations and institutions. However, participation in foreign congresses was already elite business of which, even from especially financial reasons, only professors of the Odesa university, first of all those from them which researches were focused on studying of the Western European history were capable. Reports of the South Ukrainian historians and their participation in congresses brightly reflected the fact that the scientific interests of these historians were not limited only to the Southern Ukraine even if it is about those who are known for the corresponding reputation and interests. The congresses facilitated the establishment of closer cooperation between the southern Ukrainian historiographic centers. This is especially noticeable in the process of preparation for the Katerynoslav Congress. Preparatory committees were active in Odesa and Simferopol. Also, congresses have contributed to the strengthening of the scientific potential of the southern Ukrainian centers. Yes, it was the Katerynoslav Congress that contributed to the completion of the formation of the Museum of Antiquities by A. Pol. A common feature of the Odesa and Katerynoslav Congress was the organization of excursions of its participants to the Crimea. During the excursion of the Odesa Congress, one of its leaders was the Evpatorian priest Y. Chepurin, a member of the congress. During the visit to Khersones, participants of the Katerynoslav Congress met with the Head of the Kherson Museum and the excavations of K. Kosciuszko-Valiuzynych. Congresses had also important public, national value: in the conditions of deformations in national policy of the Russian Empire they allowed the Ukrainian national movement in the south of Ukraine in addition to declare oneself by lips of the leaders, and, on the other hand, participation in the international congresses in addition stimulated liberal views of historians which never avoided active participation in public life. In general, participation of historians from the territory of the Southern Ukraine in scientific congresses was main «platform» on which the «live» historical thought developed.
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Lorek-Jezińska examines British celebrations of the centenary of World War I in interactive theatre and artistic projects, focusing on their function in constructing and reviving the cultural trauma. She investigates strategies for including the younger generation in centenary celebrations and commemorations – strategies based on mobilizing participants’ compassion, empathy and readiness to become the medium of testimony. In this way the third memory boom stimulated by the centenary revives the intergenerational relations that formed the basis of the earlier World War I memory boom, additionally including social groups that had previously been disregarded or excluded from this process.
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In the period of operation of the Regency Council and its cabinets, the foundations of Polish diplomacy was laid, and foreign policy of the Kingdom of Poland was pursued, despite the restrictions resulting from the decree of 12 September 1917. Foreign posts of the Supreme National Committee were taken over, and representatives of the Regency Council were sent to Moscow, Kiev, and Helsinki. An attempt was made to develop an eastern policy with the focus on the problem of future borderline of the Polish state; and the diplomatic personnel of the independent Poland was being trained.
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Dans Capitaine Conan (1934), prix Goncourt, l'écrivain Roger Vercel, lui-même ancien combattant du front d'Orient, raconte l'histoire d'un officier des corps francs de l'armée Franchet d'Espèrey, passé ensuite à l'armée du Danube du général Berthelot. Dans cette guerre non-conventionnelle, plus dure encore que celle menée par les "poilus" classiques, il se révèle un extraordinaire meneur d'hommes, mais peu respectueux de la discipline et des règlements. Dans Bucarest libéré, ses soldats, incapables de supporter la paix car fils de la guerre, commettent de nombreux délits et Conan s'efforce de leur éviter d'être condamnés. En 1996 le livre est adapté au cinéma par Bertrand Tavernier, qui a déjà traité de la grande Guerre quelques années plus tôt dans La Vie et rien d'autre. Le film rencontre le succès auprès du public grâce à la performance des acteurs et au sujet. La Roumanie, et plus particulièrement sa capitale, servent en effet de décor aux aventures de Conan. Les Français, en 1934 comme en 1996, redécouvrent ce front oublié et un pays francophile et francophone. Quelques années à peine après la révolution de 1989 Capitaine Conan bénéficie de l'intérêt du public pour l'Europe centrale et orientale et pour la Roumanie en particulier. On s'attachera à voir comment la Roumanie et les Roumains sont traités dans ces deux œuvres de fiction.
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The United States of America played an undeniably pivotal role during the dissolution of Austria–Hungary. This article demonstrates the fact that President Wodrow Wilson was, until the last months of the war, hesitant to support the dissolution of Austria–Hungary. He gradually changed his standpoint over the spring and summer of 1918. It also proves that the Secretary of State Robert Lansing had a major effect on the President’s decision making. In contrast, the secret Peace Inquiry Bureau, or the group of experts named The Inquiry, established by Colonel House with the aim of tackling the issues of peace settlement, lacked inner coherence in terms of the future of Austria–Hungary after the war. The group’s representatives were long in favor of federalization, rather than of the empire’s dissolution. The article also largely examines Austro–Hungarian policy toward the USA, which to this day has not been thoroughly studied in specialized literature. Yet, before the spring of 1918 and to a certain extent even later, Vienna regarded the USA as a possible partner in its efforts to conclude peace. Studying Austro–Hungarian sources, the article analyzes in detail the development of Austro–Hungarian policy, which lacked a unified theme. In this respect, the article also mentions the devastating effect of the Sixtus Affair (April 1918) on the reputation of Austria– Hungary in the USA. Another conclusion of this article is the findings that in Austria–Hungary in the spring and summer of 1918, surprisingly scarce attention was paid to the US policy vis–à– vis Central Europe. President Wilson had not envisaged dissolution of the Hapsburg monarchy at the end of the war. In spite of his one statement from December 1914, the dissolution of Austria–Hungary was not in his plans. After Emperor Charles came to the throne (November 1916), Wilson and Lansing struggled to drive a wedge among the Central Powers and therefore carefully distinguished among them. While Lansing could not rule out the possibility that Austria–Hungary would escape the influence of Germany and would withdraw from the war, as time proceeded, he grew increasingly skeptical. His reservation was based on the widely accepted opinion that the monarchy was Germany’s vassal. As this article proofs, Austria–Hungary was not utterly dependent on Germany, contrary to statements made by various US officials including Wilson, the Emperor’s reputation was damaged by the Sixtus Affair in the spring of 1918. Similarly, with regard to the dangerous German offensive, a growing number of voices in the US administration called for the support of the claims of the exile representatives of the monarchy’s nations. Gradually, the space for differentiating between Austria–Hungary and Germany vanished. The United States had become convinced of the monarchy’s total dependence on Berlin and resolved for its dissolution.
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This paper presents the development of political parties and describes the political atmosphere in Grubišno Polje between the two world wars. By the downfall of Austro-Hungary and the formation of the new Yugoslav state in 1918, some of the existing political parties continued to operate in the newly established circumstances. However, new political parties were formed too. In Grubišno Polje, a pronouncedly multi-ethnic town, in which the majority were the Croats and the Serbs, and the minority the Hungarians and the Czechs, articulating one’s political interests and orientations was extremely complex. Among Croatian population, Croatian People’s Peasant Party established by the Radić brothers very soon became the principal party thanks to its peasant-oriented and republican political component and ideology, which it held on until the downfall of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Serbian population was however not as united in its political choice. At first, the Serbs were on the side of Pribićević’s Democratic Party (later Independent Democratic Party). However, as the political situation in the country grew more complex (in particular due to not solving Croatian issue, but also due to growing material and social problems), their political preferences were directed towards regime parties with unitarianist programme – Yugoslav National Party and Stojadinović’s Yugoslav Radical Union. Each of these political organizations formed its social and sports organizations, in which the ideology played an important role, being an immanent part thereof. The two national communities – Croatian and Serbian – were well integrated in the social community, and political life proceeded with no major antagonism or conflicts. Nevertheless, the beginnings of extremist ideologies may be followed on the margins of political life – for instance the Ustasha movement, the establishment of the Chetnik association, as well as gradual rising of the communist movement and its ideology. These groups, until that time marginal, had taken over the political scene when World War Two burst out in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In this research, original archival materials from Croatian State Archives in Zagreb and State Archives in Bjelovar, secondary literature, as well as national and regional press were used.
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Family and feminine issues were among the topics the intellectual and progressive people mostly discussed at the beginning of the XX c. During those years Azerbaijani media played a significant role in the fight for the women’s rights. The first feminine issue in Azerbaijani Turkish-language media was raised in the newspaper “Shargi-Rus” in 1903, afterwards other newspapers such as “Hayat”, “Irshad”, “Yeni Irshad”, “Taraggi” published articles about women’s illiteracy and ways to eliminate this illiteracy. “Molla Nasraddin” magazine bravely fought against religious fanatics and published satiric articles and caricatures in order for the women to have the same rights as the men and take off their veils. The most substantial event related to this issue was the publication of women’s newspaper “Ishig” published in 1911. The editor-in-chief was Kh. Alibekova. However, the newspaper which was criticized by progressive-intellectual minded people for its liberalism, and by relig
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The paper analyzes the main landmarks in the historiography of Russia’s Civil War, both Russian and foreign, those most important and prominent projects and editions as an experience and foundation for a new and fundamental collective research of this subject. The author characterizes modern theoretical and methodological approaches for a proper understanding of the Russian Civil War as a unique, complex, and contradictory phenomenon. The article discovers the modern conceptions of the Civil War, its contents and understanding as a multidimensional and many-sided military, political, social, and cultural phenomenon, and as a series and complex of overlapping wars and confrontations with different participants. The main wars, military and other counteractions in the Russian Civil War are enumerated. The author underlines the global and total character of this war. Accumulated historiographical experience, modern conceptions, theoretical and methodological approaches serve as a base for the writing of the 12th volume Civil War in Russia. 1917–1920 in the 20-volume series History of Russia. The Civil War is viewed in this publication not only as a unique phenomenon of Russian history, but also as a worldwide phenomenon, the outcome of which in many respects predetermined the development of not only Russia, but also of international relations and humanity in the 20th century. The author characterizes this project as a whole and especially the structure and contents of the main chapters of the volume devoted to the Civil War in Russia.
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