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Review of: „Устанак Срба у Војводини и Маџарска Револуција 1848/9“ В. Богданова. (Суботица, 1929.)
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Review of: „Устанак Срба у Војводини и Маџарска Револуција 1848/9“ В. Богданова. (Суботица, 1929.)
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(Овај чланак извод je из предавања што га je 17. децембра 1929 одржао у хамбуршком Институту за Спољне Послове гроф Владимир Дормесон — comte Wladimjr d’ Ormesson —, на француском језику. Предавање у целини отштампано je у „хамбуршком месечнику за спољну политику" који — под именом „Europaische Gesprache" — излази већ девету годину под уредништвом Dra. A. Менделсона Бартолдија — Mendelssohn Bartholdy —, професора Универзитета у Хамбургу.1
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Review of: R. W. Seton-Watson: »The role of Bosnia in international politics (1875—1914)«, Humphrey Milford, London 1932.
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Књаз Никола, неимајући мушкога порода, прихватио је свог синовца Николу, свога брата Војводе Мирка, за свога насљедника. Књагиња Даринка старала се за његово васпи- тање, па га је послала у Трст, добро познатој кући Маринковића, да ту у српској школи сврши основну школу Св. Спиридона.
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Dok su Bosnom i Srbijom ljuta turska haračenja davila i harala, bunili se Srbi, a kada 1804 srpske dahije pomoriše najuglednije knezove one pokrajine, planu najprije Šumadija pod junačkim Gjordjem Petrovićem prozvanim Karagjordje, koji je i sam neko vrijeme hajdukovao i prešavši Drinu pružio ruku bosanskoj braći. Ali iako i bosanski franjevci i Srbi pristajahu i srcem i dušom uz hrabroga vodju, ipak nisu mogli zaigrati u jednom kolu sa junačkim Karagjordjem, jer od sviju strana bijahu opkoljeni Turcima. I dok se tako krvarilo Bosnom i Srbijom, dotle je u Dalmaciji bjesnilo bezvladje koje je prijetilo narodnom propašću. Ovo grdno zlo još je u kući grdje krvarilo, što se znalo da će Francuzi osvojiti Dalmaciju.
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At present, the relationships between the Anglo-Indian community and the national movement remains poorly studied. The purpose of the study is to identify the features of the relationships of the early Indian National Congress with the Anglo-Indian community, the role of Anglo-Indians in the formation of the organization, and its reaction to the development of the national movement in India. The Indian National Congress, which headed India’s struggle for independence in the XX century, in its early years advocated the preservation of British rule. Under conditions of colonial dependence from Britain, relations with Anglo-Indians – British citizens who permanently resided in India – were especially important for the Congress. Under Lord Ripon, the Viceroy of India in the 1880s, the national movement gained momentum and became a new factor in the socio-political life of India, to which the AngloIndian community reacted differently. A small liberal part of the community, which shared the views of Indian intellectuals, took an active part in the creation and development of the Congress, but the majority perceived its activities negatively. Based on the historical-genetic method and historical analysis of sources, the author concludes that criticism of the Congress by Anglo-Indians was expressed in journalism, public discussions and support for the opponents of the national movement. The obtained results can be used for studying the political development of colonial societies, the relations between metropolitan states and dependent territories, and the socio-political thought in Asia in the early XX century.
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The article analyzes the research of Nanxiu Qian, professor of Chinese Literature at Rice University, on women’s participation in the Chinese Reform Movement of the 1890s. The research addresses the activity of female reformers during the 1897–98 Shanghai Campaign for Women’s Education and the role of a talented writer and translator Xue Shaohui in the 1898 Reform Period in China. The professor’s works show that during the Shanghai Campaign the first Chinese women’s association, school for young elite women and women’s journal Chinese Girl’s Progress were created by the joint efforts of male and female reformers, and the issue of women’s rights in China was raised. Nanxiu Qian concludes that attention to Xue Shaohui’s work broadens and reperiodizes how we understand non-state reform activity in the last years of the Qing. It began in the 1860s, extended beyond the capital, encompassed many facets of social and cultural life, was shaped by the writings of women as well as men, and continued in other forms after the best-known reformers were executed or forced into exile.
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Franz Joseph Strauss was one of the brightest horns of the 19th century. He was born in Germany and worked all his life in Munich, being a first - horn player, composer, conductor and teacher. As a composer he wrote two concerts for horn and orchestra and several pieces for horn and piano, most of them, the author singing them in the first absolute audition. As a teacher, he participated in the creation of a German horn school, and his studies for natural horn are still valid today. Difficult and sometimes misunderstood by musicians of the time, Franz Strauss remains a landmark in the history of the horn and a legend in the art of horn performance.
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In the nineteenth century, the century of electricity and railways, radio and cinema, in the process of vertiginous technical progress, within the industrial civilization, appears a new phenomenon of creative, artistic and scientific activity – design. It gave birth to a “way of industrial thinking”, oriented towards creating useful and functional objects, but at the same time able to delight the eye with their beauty without recurring to ornament and decoration effects.
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The article pays tribute to Professor I.Galea, multi-faceted personality, philologist, researcher, essayist, translator and lexicographer. The themes of interest she approached, the courage of dual interpretation, the dynamic model of interpretation, the recycling of tradition through new theories and interpretations and the dismantling of the immutable character of the text ranks her among the undisputed literati of communism, a woman of open horizons with an essential contribution to the development of Romanian anglistics.
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In recent times, the identity of the Habsburg military has been the subject of numerous studies aiming to explain the behavior of this social-professional category. However, in Romanian historiography, research on this subject is almost completely lacking. The present work aims, first of all, to open the historiographical discussion on the identity choices of Romanian soldiers and officers in the Habsburg army. Alongside national identity and dynastic loyalty, frequently addressed in historiography, special attention should be paid to other types of loyalties or identities, developed within the military environment and related to the appropriation of a well-defined code of honor. It was in this context that the officer’s honor, transformed into a military identity, took shape, as well as other types of attachments, such as that to the state, which is different from dynastic loyalty, or that to the territory. Last but not least, this paper also focuses on how all these different identities are harmonized into multiple identities, defining the behavior and actions of the soldiers of the multinational Habsburg army.
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The paper reconstructs the history of the 19th-20th-century Engel pharmacy in Iaşi starting from a lot of items preserved in the History of Pharmacy Collection in Cluj-Napoca. The lot includes numerous drug jars, measuring cups, apothecary working tools, financial documents, prescriptions, correspondence, and various other documents, some of which were recently identified during the renovation of the pharmacy museum in Cluj. The analysis allows one to see the transformation of pharmaceutical practice in Moldavia and Romania between the end of the 19th century and the Second World War and to reconstruct the history of a successful family business.
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The appointment of the Princes of Moldavia and Wallachia presented Russian officials with serious dilemmas, whether they were the leaders of the Empire's foreign policy or of the occupation administration. In the end, a solution was adopted – the selection of the Princes by the Porte from a short list of candidates proposed by Russia – in line with Russia's strategic interests regarding the Ottoman Empire as a whole and despite Pavel Kiselev's proposals that the occupation should be prolonged or, in a transitional phase, that the civilian administration of the Princes should operate in parallel with a Russian military administration. The selection of Alexandru Dimitrie Ghica as the main candidate for Wallachia and his rapid investiture by the Sultan have several explanations, including his political profile convenient for both Powers, his activity as minister and head of the militia, his personal relation with Pavel Kiselev and his access to the sums of money required for his investiture in Constantinople. However, his insufficient political prestige in relation to the country’s great boyar families, his image as a Prince submissive to the Russian will, skillfully used by his opponents, and the large debts he had accumulated, which he could not pay without generating several resounding financial scandals linked to the leasing of state revenues, were likely to herald the political crisis of the following years, the success of the opposition in undermining his regime and, finally, his dismissal after only eight years of rule.
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Political Career and Social Advancement. Conservative and Christian Social Politicians from Vorarlberg as an Example (1860-1918/19). As far as the political developments in Vorarlberg were concerned, Martin Thurnher and Johann Kohler have lived in a time of rapid changes. Many of the newly elected deputies to the provincial parliament in 1870, and later also to the Imperial Council, now came from a petty or lower middle-class milieu. For them, political involvement, supported by structural factors such as the successive extension of voting rights to lower social strata, and the increasingly professional self-organization of the Catholic-conservative camp, provided an opportunity for social mobility. Martin Thurnher and Johann Kohler are just two examples of how political engagement enabled social advancement. Further quantitative and qualitative research would provide important insights into the social processes set in motion by the emergence of modern mass parties and the expansion of political participation.
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Only several years after the war of 1877-1878 between the Russian Empire and the Ottoman Empire, in which Romania had also been involved and had had an important role, succeeding in gaining its state independence, the situation in the Balkan Peninsula experienced new tense moments. Against the background of the so-called Bulgarian crisis in the late ’80s of the 19th century, in which Russian interests played again an important part, along with the involvement of other Great Powers, an armed conflict between Serbia and Bulgaria took place in November 1885, causing a general concern at the continental level. Situated in the immediate vicinity of the conflict, Romania tried to contribute to its resolution, wanting to avoid a new Russian invasion and a tension of the relations with its powerful eastern neighbour.The choice of Bucharest as a venue for peace negotiations and the signing of the treaty between Serbia and Bulgaria was also a sign of the appreciation and prestige enjoyed by the Romanian state and King Carol I, primarily due to the balanced and prudent approach shown in the foreign policy and international relations. However, at the level of the Romanian historiography, the erroneous perception of an important role that Romania would have played in the completion of the conflict and the signing of the peace in Bucharest was established for some time, a perception contradicted by the historical realities and the testimonies from that period.
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On February 22nd 1882 the Principality of Serbia was declared Kingdom with prince Milan Obrenović becoming its king. Rise of Serbia to the status of a kingdom caused an increased in the number of adjutants and court officials. King Milan moved to a new court that was built in Belgrade in 1884. Rulers of the Obrenović dynasty made their close relatives or most trusty officers their adjutants. However, during turbulent political events – dynastic overturns and coups – adjutants shared their rulers’ destiny. Some paid for their loyalty with their lives, while others were forced out of service. After the May Coup in 1903, a number of conspirators started working for the court as a part of king Peter the I Karađorđević’s and his sons’ entourage. During the Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913 and the First World War of 1914-1918, the king acted as the Supreme Commander while his adjutants were a part of the Supreme Command.
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Following the excessive attention paid to this event during the communist period, nowadays the 1821 Revolution, as well as other historiographical topics connected to historical events of paramount importance, such as the 1848 Revolution, the Union of the Romanian Principalities or the War of Independence, only remain in the pages of magazines published until thirty years ago, being largely overlooked by researchers. The present paper analyzes the situation of the sources, national and international, dealing with this event, the debate concerning its precise nature—rebellion or revolution—as well as other potential avenues of research, from the involvement of the emerging patriotic nobility to the biography and the agenda of Tudor Vladimirescu himself.
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