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Considerations on the nature and properties of light are a distinctive trait of Oxford natural philosophy. Medieval scholars on the Continent did not devote much attention to this issue, most probably because, in Aristotle, one finds only a few remarks on the nature of light (in De anima and De sensu et sensato). In England, however, the first Chancellor of Oxford University, Robert Grosseteste, adopted light as the core of his metaphysics, cosmology and natural philosophy. Although later generations of Oxford philosophers generally neglected Grosseteste’s metaphysics and cosmology, taking the Aristotelian view instead, considerations on the nature and properties of light remained a substantial part of their natural philosophy. Among fourteenth-century Oxford philosophers’ works, one finds comprehensive discussions on light in John Dumbleton’s Summa logicae et philosophiae naturalis and Richard Swineshead’s Liber calculationum. In his Summa, John Dumbleton presents a detailed inquiry into the the action of light in a medium. We do not find there, however, any attempt to ‘measure’ or calculate the power of a light source itself. Richard Swineshead, though, devotes a substantial part of his considerations on light to determining the ‘proper measure’ of the power of a light source. His main concept in this regard is ‘the amount of form’ (multitudo formae) — a notion presumably invented by Swineshead and developed in the preceding parts of his work. Both Dumbleton and Swineshead present consistent and well-developed theories rooted in the medieval Oxford scientific tradition, drawing upon Aristotelian philosophy and Euclidean mathematics. Swineshead’s conclusions complement and correct the theory developed by John Dumbleton. Yet the method of ‘measurement’ presented by Swineshead is practically inapplicable and the value of the consecutive conclusions is determined only on the basis of logical and mathematical consistency, with no reference to common experience. Such methods of philosophical inquiry are characteristic of all the fourteenth-century thinkers of the group known as the Oxford Calculators.
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The fragments of a very fragmentary inscribed tombstone depicting an armed knight were found in the one-time Cistercian monastery of Pilis at Pilisszentkereszt (Pest county) during László Gerevich’s excavations (1967–1982). As certain fragments were uncovered in the debris heaped in the shaft of grave no. 59 in the centre of the chapter-house, the tombstone was associated with this grave (L. Gerevich). The man lying in the grave was identified as Robert de Courtenay (†1228), Andrew II’s wife Yolande de Courtenay’s brother, who was elected Byzantine Latin emperor then he was expelled and died at an unknown place (I. Takács). The author reviews the finding circumstances of the fragments and determines from radiocarbon measurements that there could be no direct contact between the late medieval body found in the centrally placed grave no. 59 of the chapter-house and the tombstone. The arguments that were raised to link the tombstone with Robert de Courtenay are not acceptable either: if he was ever buried in the medieval Hungary, his grave could rather be in the Cistercian monastery of Egres (to date Agriş, Romania) where Yolande de Courtenay was also buried. A secular nobleman must have been buried under the Pilis tombstone who could play an important role in the establishment of the monastery in the 13th century and who is called precium comitum (the most eminent of comites) in the very fragmentary inscription. There are no realistic data that would suggest that the pit of a heart burial was beside grave no. 59 in Pilis as it is suggested in the archaeological literature. This feature must have had a different function in the center of the chapter-house (foundation of a lectorium or a judicium).
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We have more than a thousand manuscripts of the great hagiographical collection, the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus de Voragine from the 13th century, but there is only one codex which not only illustrated the text but translated it into a language of images. It is related to the Hungarian Anjous, that is why the codex is titled ‘Hungarian Angevin Legendary’. The pages of the codex are spread over different collections of the world. Nowadays 58 legends are known on 142 pages, altogether 549 images. Some more important legends, as that of the apostles or the Anjous’ favorite saint, King Ladislas, occupy 20–24 images. The paper tries to demonstrate two examples. St. Martin and St. Gerard, of how these cycles were organised. Two pictures of the supposed eight are emphasising the role of Martin as a bishop. Five images show the miracles of the saint and only one is consecrated to the charity of St. Martin, to the event which is his most popular story. Martin is the symbolic saint who gives half his goods to the poor. This scene is the most frequently represented in medieval art. In the Hungarian Angevin Legendary his miraculous activity is much more emphasized which is correlated with the written legend. The legend of St. Gerard is preserved completely in the Legendary.
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The article presents the mediaeval foundations of the four monasteries of the Augustinian Hermits in Silesia: in Grodków, Chojnów, Dzierżoniów and Wrocław. The author distinguishes two phases of the foundation: the first one during the period from the 1290s until the year 1329, and the second one encompassing the years 1351-1354, the time when the monastery in Wrocław was built thanks to Charles IV’s foundation. The questions concerning the assumed founders, the precise dating of the foundations and the circumstances thereof have been raised
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The article discusses the long-term consequences of the 1204 deviation of the Fourth Crusade, considering that this is a much more fertile ground for research than the complex and enigmatic questions of its origin and responsibility. It is argued that in the aftermath of the Latin conquest of Constantinople, what seemed to be only a temporary turn of events became a historical permanency until another fateful year, 1453. Thus, the symbolism of the crusade was increasingly monopolized and instrumented by the Italian Maritime Republics – la Serenissima and la Superba – and put at the service of their mercantile interests. Hence, Venice has managed to build up a true colonial empire in the Aegean Sea, while Genoa imposed its control over the Black Sea and its trade, whose intense exploitation soon assured la Superba’s maritime hegemony. The impact of international trade on world politics had never been as strong before. By focusing on the role assumed by the Black Sea in the historical events involving Western and Eastern Europe between 1204 and 1453, the current study examines the Genoese quasi-monopoly over the Pontic trade and its great importance for the evolution of Europe in the Late Middle Ages and for the transition from the Medieval to the Modern world. Therefore, the significant international and integrative function of the Black Sea is discussed and seen as a key mediator between Europe and Asia on the one hand, and between Western and Eastern Europe, on the other hand. Close in the previous centuries, the two parts of the continent split once again from each other as a result of the establishment of a long-time Ottoman hegemony in South Eastern Europe and the Black Sea.
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The authors offer the findings of their study of numismatic material from a warrior’s burial in barrow no. 3 of the Jailausay (Sarytau II) cemetery in Western Kazakhstan, and give a description of the grave and the goods. It is the first documented discovery of 22 silver Juchid dang of the 14th century, found in a silk purse. The burial contained remains of horse harness, 2 iron stirrups, birch quiver with remains of arrows, knife-dagger and other attributes of an elite warrior. The fact was also supported by the number of silver coins in an expensive multi-layered silk purse. Out of the 22 dangs, 19 are Uzbek Khan’s and 3 are Janibek Khan’s. The youngest coin of the set dates to 743/1342—43 year. The set could be formed in the Volga region in 740s/1340s. The burial is dated within 743~748/1342—1348.
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The geographic vicinity of the Golden Horde and Bulgarian lands in the 13th—14th centuries was reflected in a number of monetary artefacts found in the southern part of the Prut-Dniester interfluvial area. The authors address 69 individual coins by Bulgarian issuers found, mainly, over the last decade. Noteworthy, almost four out of five coins are related to the Golden Horde Costeşti settlement, to various degrees of probability. The majority of small Bulgarian coins minted in Tarnovo and, probably, in Cherven on behalf of Tsar Ivan Alexander (1331—1371) reached the region about 1355—1360. Their most plausible itinerary must be connected with the Danube and the Prut rivers, as well as an important river ferry at Orlovka. The reason for this massive movement of small coins from Bulgaria into central and south-western part of the modern Moldova could be traced not only in the history of military raids and international trade of the Golden Horde, but also in the big transformations caused by the terrible plague pandemic, which hit Europe from the east.
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The article addresses the seal of the Order of Knights of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem, held in the Archives of the St. Petersburg Institute of History of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The artifact comes from N. P. Likhachev’s collection, and its earlier history is unknown. On its surface, there are clearly visible traces of remaking, which indicates the deliberate transformation of the matrix into a decorative element or amulet. The seal is made of copper-base alloy containing zinc (27.3 %), lead (1.3 %) and nickel (0.2 %). A trasological analysis revealed a number of technological features of the matrix. There are markers suggesting that the whole image, including the letters in the legend, was first produced as a wax model, which was then used for the lost wax casting. No traces of post-casting refinement on the matrix surface were found. Most of the legend letters were probably made with the help of a set of stamps consisting of small modules and whole letters.
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Einer der reichestannotierten Bände aus der Bibliothek von Johann (János) Vitéz (ca. 1408-1472), dem bedeutenden Humanisten und Prälaten aus dem Umkreis des ungarischen Königs Matthias Corvinus (1458-1490), ist der Cod. Lat. 370 (Victorinus: Commentarii in Ciceronis librum de inventione), heute aufbewahrt in der Széchényi-Nationalbibliothek (Országos Széchényi Könyvtár) Budapest. Dem Kolophon dieser Handschrift zufolge hatte der Gelehrte Vitéz den Kodex im September des Jahres 1462 in Hermannstadt im südlichen Siebenbürgen gelesen und eigenhändig kommentiert.
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Im „Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der Deutschen in Siebenbürgen“ ist ein Dokument aus dem Jahre 1289 ediert, dessen Inhalt kurz im Regest wiedergegeben wird: „Das Weissenburger Kapitel bezeugt, dass Comes Ladislaus die Besitzungen Muckendorf und Sarustelek an Comes Petrus verkauft habe.“ Die verkauften Ländereien befanden sich in capite rivuli Kozd, also am oberen Kosdbach, der durch Muckendorf (in der Urkunde: Muhy), Leblang, Seiburg (Syberg), Stein und Reps fließt. Der Urkunde zufolge grenzen die Besitzungen Mückendorf und Sarustelek im Osten an die Gemarkung (terris) des Dorfes (villae) Seiburg, im Süden an jene des Dorfes Leblang (Leubaigteluky), im Westen an jene des Dorfes Bekokten (Barabuch), und im Norden an die terra Popteluky.
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Din vremea lui Basarab I;O ipoteză în discuție;O scrisoare a misionarului Antonio Angelini di Campi;Hramul mănăstirii Tutana;Despre Udriște Năsturel; Un convoi venețian în Marea Neagră; La „dosarul” originii lui Mihai Viteazul; O însemnare a lui Udriște Năsturel; Un episod din viața lui Petru Cercel ;Duca vodă și Ucraina.
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The icon of Saint Francis of Assisi has become almost initiatory inthe iconography of Tuscany, an area belonging to the chasm of the greatculture of the Middle Ages. It is enough to say Florence, Siena, Cortona, Pisaor San Miniato to enter the bright labyrinth of acknowledgement of theFranciscan icon which has universal value.Being a breviary including masters and places embellished by the Franciscanicon, the present study aims, through a historical and an aesthetic perspective,to restore both Saint Francis’ personality and his entire mystical and asceticinfluence on the field of medieval iconography, which sprung from his realpresence, during his spiritual layovers that became landmarks of a trulyremarkable heritage. It is a joint work of two Christian authors, namely aCatholic and an Orthodox, who work to identify communication paths in theanthropology of the icon and in spiritual aesthetics
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The faction of Serbian historiography known as “critical” gained full recognition by deconstructing legendary narratives related to the Battle of Kosovo (1389) at the end of the 19th century. One of the most persistent of these narratives enclosed the alleged betrayal of Lord Vuk Brankovic, which is gripped only in legend and epic folk tradition. Although historian Ljubomir Kovacevic challenged this narrative already in 1888 using medieval sources, Serbian historians have repeatedly explored the issue of Vuk’s treason during the second half of the 20th century. Their search for roots of the legend of Vuk Brankovic’s betrayal was sought in real historical events and phenomena. The issue of Vuk’s betrayal was instigated within the wider public framework in 1989 as a part of the commemoration of the six hundred years jubilee of the battle. At that time, a re-examination of Vuk Brankovic’s role occurred. Some parts of academic circles reassessed the results of the Serbian “critical” historiography on the basis of which Vuk Branković was abolished from the stigma of traitor. Driven by a general atmosphere, some historians have even questioned Vuk’s military role in the Battle of Kosovo, while his political betrayal in the aftermath had somehow become historically relevant. The betrayal of Vuk Branković was relocated from the battlefield to the sphere of politics, statehood and vassal relations. The historians who followed that trail found Vuk’s betrayal in the conduct of an independent policy that was contrary to the pro-Ottoman policy of Lazarević. Another faction of Serbian historians has pointed out that there was no evidence or connection between Vuk’s politics after the Battle of Kosovo with the betrayal of Lazar’s political legacy. The argumentation of revisionist historians of Vuk’s historical role was based on a simplified or selective perception of social and geopolitical circumstances in the Balkans. Additionally, it derived from the misapplication of historiographical principles in interpretation of phenomena belonging to epic tradition that should be studied by different methodology. With this in mind, the conclusion is that Vuk’s alleged guilt should be viewed as a phenomenon within the framework of legend and folk epic tradition, while his historical role should be studied separately, based on postulates of historical methodology as a part of social sciences and humanities.
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Analyzing various medieval Bulgarian hagiographical texts, inscriptions and marginal notes, as well as the Synodicon of the Bulgarian church and other evidence, the author aims to reveal the dynastic concepts of the second Bulgarian Tsardom (1186–1396) and literary attempts to create and support a complex dynastic idea with the means of medieval Bulgarian history writing. Such attempts were connected with two core ideas. Firstly, the state’s foundation was represented as a personal merit of two Asens – father and son. Asen “the Old” adopting the throne name John marked the beginning of the Asens’ Tsardom liberating the Bulgarians from “the Greek slavery” and transferring to his stronghold Tărnovo from Sredets – the center of the Byzantine power over Bulgaria – the relics of St. John of Rila. John Asen “the Great”, his son, strengthened the Tsardom with his victories, returned the status of Patriarchy to the Bulgarian church and brought the relics of St. Parasceve to the capital Tărnovo. Secondly, the literary tradition shaped the image of the Bulgarian Tsardom as an ever-lasting Empire whose enduring attributes – Sceptre and Throne – were given by God to change the mortal monarchs.
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In 1314 Bishop Guichard of Troyes was transferred from the lucrative Episcopal See of Champagne to the Episcopal See of Bosnia, with the seat in Diakovar (nowadays Djakovo, Croatia). This was the consequence of a lengthy trial that baffled both contemporaries and historians alike, and which included a plethora of charges – most notably high treason, murder of the Queen and her mother through witchcraft, heresy, etc. To explain beyond factual reality, the paper regards the concept of treason for which Guichard was tried. To comprehend the methods of construction of treason in Guichard’s case, the paper examines features beyond the accusations and deposited witness testimonies: the social, religious and legal transformations; similarities with contemporary trials of the Templars and of the deceased Pope Boniface VIII. This will facilitate comprehension of the elements that construct or add to the concept of treason and the contemporary notions and institutions that permitted it.
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The study introduces and edits two different copies containing Rășinari’s Cartea Ocolnița („book” of the Rășinari village borders) of 1488, both copies being written in Romanian language with Cyrillic letters. After a few considerations regarding the way in which the old Slavonic Cyrillic letters (that differ from the Russian letters used today) can be reproduced best with the help of soft programmes, the author exposes: 1) the more detailed and dated copy preserved at the National Archives in Sibiu, including Cartea Ocolnița (22 May 1488) and the extract from the deed of donation (7 January 1383) in Romanian-Cyrillic, while the dates of both documents, as well as a final sentence indicating the scribe (copyst) Petru Cazan, priest in Rășinari and notary of the church synod, are written in Latin; 2) the more simple, incomplete and undated copy of Cartea Ocolnița, preserved in the Church Museum at the Bishop House in Rășinari. When doing the transcription and transliteration of the two copies, the author was counseled by the Slavonic expert Eugeniu Lazăr, scientific researcher from the National History Museum of Romania in Bucharest, who also suggested several investigation and interpretation hypotheses. Even if the original document was not found yet, it can be assumed that there existed even more copies in circulation. In the study’s annex, the copy from Sibiu and that from Rășinari are reproduced in transcription with Cyrillic letters and transliteration with Latin letters, and are critically edited.
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