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The article analyzes the poem “Manana’s Conversation with a fever” (translatedby V.K. Zvyagintseva) by an ancient Georgian poetess Manana and “Fever”, a ballad by the Russian poet A. A. Fet. The texts contain a folklore motif of a man’s encounter with a demonic creature having anthropomorphic features. The literary image of the virgin-fever goes back to the sources of the Judeo Christian apocryphal traditions. In the early middle ages it was taken from ritual folk poetry – spells from fever – by fiction literature. The lyrics of Manana and Fet are combined by stray motif, implemented differently by each of the poets. The plot of the works has a dialogical structure: Manana conducts a dialogue with a personified disease, Fet’s lyrical character talks to the nanny, telling her the legend of Fevers.The religious outlook of the poetess is reflected in the contents of Manana’s text which is being analysed. In general, however, it is signifcantly influenced by the cultural orientation of the translator, namely: the presence of defining items typical for Eastern Slavic Spells, such as (“fatal ognevitsa”, “wicked witch”, “bad”, “the world evil fad”).There is an unusual etymology of the fever in Manana’s text compared to Slavic folklore tradition (“the despised daughter of Judas”). Fevers are traditionally referred to as the daughters of Herod. Therefore in Fet’s text they are – “sisters, nine Fevers”.According to the Georgian poetess the encounter with a demon of a disease actualizes the Christian moral discourse. According to the Russian poet, the fever becomes the concept of romanticism with ambivalent meaning. Both works clarify significantly the specific existence of a stray motive of a human interaction with the demon of illness (ague,malaria, fever) in the world literature.The tradition of magic spells of the demon of the disease is reflected both in the national epic, and medieval literature. For example, there exists Anna Ahmatova’s translation of Korean song “Choenga”, the motifs of which are borrowed from ancient tales of Choeng who defeated the demon of fever, and the song itself refers to the period of VII-X centuries. Variations of this motif are known from later literary samples. For example,in German literature it is Dialogues by Ulrich von Gutten, the author of the Renaissance epoch (XVI century), in Georgian literature it is the Poem by Manana (XVIII century),in Russian literature the most striking reflection of this motif is found in the poetry of the romantics such as AP. Grigoriev and A. Fet. Later A. I. Kuprin (Olesya), Al. Green (“Autobiographical novel”) and some other Russian authors were interested in folklore motif of fevers.Only three of the above-mentioned works narrate about a personal meeting with personified disease: Dialogues by Gutten, the Poem by Manana and Fet’s ballad : and of these three only Manana and Fet reproduce the lyrical situation of psychologically-depicted interaction with the demon-fever. In addition to this, in Fet’s work there is the motif of the dream, painting the situation of the meeting in the illusory, romantic tones.Of course, it is difficult to judge the nature of poetics as original and translated texts are being compared. In cases when we still resort to such a comparison the probability of the influence of an interpreter should be taken into consideration. Basically you can only talk about the thematic closeness of works, united by a common motive, implemented differently by each of the poets. Both independent observations of the text of Manana who embodied a well-known motif earlier than a Russian poet did it, and the possibility to add comments to “Fever” by A. Fet are valuable.The information about the Georgian poet Manana is extraordinarily scanty. In this regard, this report contains only preliminary observations and does not claim to contain extensive conclusions.The name of the poet Manana in the history of Georgian literature usually stands in a row with the names of such outstanding authors as David Guramishvily, Alexander Amilakhvary, Dimitry Saakadze, Pyotr Laradze and others. As A. Surguladze puts it, in the XVIII century Georgian culture «has taken a significant step forward». The ideological political movement in Russia and Europe influenced the development of Georgian culture during this period greatly. I. A. Javakhishvily wrote the following on this occasion: “Striking was this age! That tireless, hard work that had one General direction, and was based on wide and deep ground gives us the right to call this period of Georgian literature an encyclopedic age. The thoughts of almost all the leaders of that time were sent to collecting the results of centuries-old creative work of the Georgian people, to study them and transmit the completed comprehensive ideas and knowledge to the following generations”. Defining the nature of literary trend of Manana’s poem, we turned to the works of her older contemporary - poet David Guramishvily, who is close to her in spirit. Guramishvily is called “the greatest representative of Georgian literature of the eighteenth century” (A. Surguladze) and his great interest in folklore is pointed out. Manana and David Guramishvily were, apparently, the representatives of different generations. And it is vivid that creative ideas of an older contemporary could influence her own poetic style.We can emphasize the General trend of the Georgian poetic tradition of the XVIII century– the appeal to imaginative and melodic system of folklore. And the second point relates directly to religious trends. The poem by Manana displays the religious worldview of the author. Her lyrical character is a Christian who trusts in the divine help. A. Fet’s “Fever” is included in the romantic cycle, most of the works of which are created on the basis of the Slavic folklore (“the Serpent”, “Secret”, “Legend” etc.). In the plot there is the motive of the woman-demon’s kiss , who is called «lihomanka» in Russian folk spells. The text is constructed in the form of a lyrical dialogue with the nanny,who is the carrier of folk traditions. In such a way, the motif of the kiss of the demon off ever is presented.Rhythmic pattern of the Dialogic structure of Manana’s poem transmits high intensity of feelings of the main character, the strain of the struggle with the demon of disease. Fet’s character does not feel fear and indignation to his disease, the temptation of a romantic night kiss of lihomanka turned into a sense of illusory reality.In Manana’s poem fever as spiritually determined physical infirmity, carries the idea of retribution or purifying ordeal of personality in the face of death. In the text the character of the lyrical heroine is portrayed. However, it is difficult to believe that such a dialogue with the disease can be drawn, without having experienced the personal pain.And this is the difference between Manana’s poems and the romantic ballad of Fet, where there is, apparently, no pain yet, but only a feverish love yearning.It is likely that the poet is trying to implement artistic functional principle of folklore spells in the structure of a literary text, as if the poem could cure the disease. The fact that the character managed to do it can be seen in the biography of the poetess. According to the testimony of Nestan Sulava, at the end of her life, Manana became a nun, without ceasing to be engaged in literary work (she worked with manuscripts of the poem by Shota Rustavely “the knight in the Panther’s skin”). This is not surprising, if we recall the roleplayed by Rustavely’s works in Georgian national culture. Apparently, in the poet’s mind immortal poem stood next to the Gospel even after her renunciation of the world. “True is N. Berdzenishvily’s remark that the ideological and political civilization of feudal Georgia was based on three pillars – the Gospel, “Тhe knight in the Panther’s skin” and “Kartlis Tskhovreba” – the three “Holy books”...” (Surguladze 1989). Hence the understandable choice of the poetess-nun.What unites the works of Manana and Fet?Although the Russian poet idealized the virgin-fever, confusing the disease with love longing, apparently, not in the least embarrassed by the religious origin of this artistic image for him, just like for a Georgian poetess, yet more important was the opportunity of self-realization in the act of creativity. In General, the apocryphal motive of the meeting with the demon disease brings authors to different levels of world perception. Manana prefers moral conflict of the confrontation between good and evil, pride and humility, which she solves in the plane of spiritual understanding of the nature of fever as a disease of the soul. That’s why she had to clarify everything, pronounce clearly, as though in confession. Fet remains within the boundaries of the romantic worldview, because the fever for him is only a pretext for obscure hints and vague presentiments, allowing the soul to remain in the dream state. On the contrary, the soul of Manana’s lyrical heroine finds the experience of spiritual awakening in this meeting.
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Written sources reveal that a political power shift and an excessive change of population took place in Pannonia in 568. Archaeological data suggest, however, coexsistence between communities different origins despite the community level realignment of society. The author would like to highlight some neglected examples that could provide details of vital importance for the topic and connect it to well known sites, all too often having complex and unclear interpretations. Continuity is analysed through the last phase of Langobard Period cemeteries, presuming that they were still in use during the last third of the 6th century, and through the early phase of Avar Period cemeteries, as their connection networks are the same: an intensive interaction with the western Merovingian and the Mediterranean world. This connection is evident in certain arte fact types (belts, weapons, brooches) and in attireas a whole as well.
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The article examines tactics of the Slavic cavalry in Velisarius’s army during the Gothic war in Italy. According to Procopius of Caesaria, the Sclavenes and the Antes in Velisarius’s army were horse archers, who more often were fighting distantly, avoiding direct combat with their adversaries. No doubt, the Sclavenes and the Antes, or rather a relatively small part of them learnt this type of battle from the Huns, whom they neighbored on the Low Danube and in the Ukrainian forest-steppe areas in 5th-6th centuries. At the same time, during the Balkan conquest majority of the Sclavenes’ and Antes’ warriors were light-armed infantrymen, rather well described by Procopius and Maurice in their sketches on Slavic ethnography. Finds of typical armament of ‘nomadic’ type on sites of Prague, Penkovka and Koloczyn cultures (heavy three-winged arrows, belly clasps of bone, antler arrow piece, a hook from quiver belt) provide substantial evidence for the Slavs having a cavalry of ‘Hun’ type. The Slavs who inhabited the borderline along the forest-steppe zone or the Low Danube frontier with Byzantium enjoyed faster social development. They rapidly shaped military nobility whom the Avars had to face in 560s-570s... Kin relations in the Low Danube area do not seem to have been as rigid anymore, which allowed the Danube Sclavenes and the Antes to join the Rome army. Indeed, mercenaries have always been a solid indicator of collapse of traditional relations, which led to appearance of ‘free’ people not bound by kin obligations anymore. It seems that the lands in the Sclavene Low Danube area and the Antes’ forest-steppe zone was exactly the place to have seen formation of groups of professional warriors who showed their skills for the first time in 537-545 while at Justinian’s service.
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This article is devoted to the problems of historic development of Slavic population on the Dnieper Left Bank during the old Russian state formation. The analysis of archaeological materials and other available sources allowed the authors to make the following conclusions.In the middle of 9th century, on the Dnieper’s Left Bank a prototype state was growing up based on the tribes union of Severa led by Khazar noble offsprings, who settled there after a civil war in khaganate and received the rights of Itil vassals.In the first half of 9th century, in the North (the territory of Krivichi, Slovenes, Merya and Chud’), the prototype state formation («Rus’») was growing up, headed by Varangians «coming from overseas», and their ruler accepted the title of «khagan». Its outposts were Gnezdovo on the Dnieper and Yaroslavl’ region on the Volga. The Rus’ troops began their raids in the Dnieper and Volga directions to bring these places under control. In the Dnieper directions Rus’ supported its trade interests by military activities, i.e. by organizing campaigns against the Byzantine Empire (Sourozh and Amastrida) and the Northern outskirts of Khazar Khaganate (the ruin of Novotroitskoe hillfort, the appearance of treasure group on the Desna River, lower Seim and Oka buried in late 830s). On the Volga River, the politics carried out by the Volga Bulgars to restrain the Russian activity led to making roundabout ways by the Rus’ through Byzantine and Khazar possessions, letting them penetrate into the Caspian Sea and far into Arabian East countries.The middle - the second part of 9th century is a period of military activity on the Dnieper’s Left Bank where Rus’ played a leading role. The territory of the Severa, Viatichi and Radimichi - Khazar tributaries - was exposed to attacks, which is proved by the treasure group in the Seim region and on the Upper Oka River, as well as by destruction of Souprut hillfort. This fact can be connected with Oleg’s campaigns in his struggle for joining the Northern Rus’ Khaganate and Kievan separate region of Askold’s and Dier’s Rus’ into a solitary state. These campaigns and the battles of Rus’ against the Slavic tribes resulted in the Dnieper trade way «from the Varyangians into the Greeks» falling under control of the Kiev dukes.
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The term «heraldry» is not used with the personal and urban emblems of the Russian Middle Age. Indeed, in XIV-XVII Russia did not know stems. There were, however, signs, which undoubtedly were symbols of power. These were the Rurik dynasty’s bidents or tridents; their images are found on various objects, including the earliest coins and stamps. Majority of researchers are inclined to interpret them as personal and family symbols of the Russian knyazes in X-XIII c. The Rurik dynasty’s signs treated as stems face an essential difficulty. The stem’s layout follows strict rules, its inheritance is also strictly regulated. Meanwhile, the written records do not mention any rule on inheritance of the dynasty’s tamga. The same signs would be ascribed to different knyazes upon an assumption that a son of a trident’s owner could use a bident, and after that could use the trident again. If so, then it seems there were no laws in transmitting the signs from one generation to another, and hence, the signs are heraldic in essence. A conclusion on chaotic rules of inheritance of the signs, however, is wrong, because genealogical schemes have been built so far upon various ideas about personifications of the signs depending on the place they were found and dating of the object. To overcome this hypothetic practice, a new research has been pursued of the primary record. It reviewed objects dated by X – XI cc. with images of the Rurik’s dynasty: coins (Chapter 1), stamps (Chapter 2), graffiti on coins (Chapter 3), drawings on household items and walls of temples (Chapter 4), the so-called “heraldic pendants” (Chapter 5), potter’s stamps (Chapter 6) and graffiti on bludgeon made of horn (Chapter 7). The research has crowned with a genealogical scheme (fig. 35) containing personified signs of the Russian knyazes. It established that a simple bident was used by the ruling dynasty since Igor, and could be used already by his father Rurik. Until the IV generation the sign was inherited without any changes. Its first transformations took place in time of Svyatoslav’s sons: one of them, Yaropolk, was entitled to receive the family’s bident, Oleg changed its leg’s shape, and Vladimir used trident when his father was still alive. Apparently, it was during Svyatoslav’s sons’ fight for their father’s heritage that Rurik’s family sign transformed into personal-family one. This transition to use of personal-family signs is also connected with representatives of the V generation of the dynasty. Svyatopolk Yaropolchich, the only son of Svyatoslav’s eldest son, used his family’s bident till 1013, later to change its form. St. Vladimir’s sons originally used to possess personal-family signs: Vysheslav added a cross to the leg of his father’s trident; his younger brothers would change the shape of the central dent. The same principle by which the elder son changes the leg of the inherited trident can be seen with representatives of VI-VII generations – grand- and great-grandchildren of Vladimir Svyatoslavich. So, Russia not only had a set-up structure of personal and family signs, but also followed a detailed order of their inheritance. One can be sure ascertaining that in X-XI cc. there was a peculiar heraldic system in Russia, and Rurik dynasty’s signs we find today are Russia’s earliest stems.
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Making a synthesis of written records, illustrations and archaeological evidence, the author of this article distinguishes five groups of features in the residential complex of Russian Knyaz in the pre-Mongol period.The first group unites features of representative nature meant for Knyaz’s ceremonies, receptions and feasts. A stone or wooden terem was an architectural dominant of a Knyaz’s court and represented a tower-like building with golden tent-like top. Remains of monumental stone features were found in Chernigov, Polotsk, Grodno and Bogolyubov; wooden ones – in Novgorod, Staraya Ryazan, Vshchizh and Lyubech. Knyaz gridnitsa represented a large (possible two-storey) building with a vast throne hall and many windows. It seems that all Kiev palates, as well as buildings in Peremyshl’, Zvenigorod, Kholm are all stone gridnitsas. Traces of wooden gridnitsas were found in Novgorod, Lyubech and Belgorod. A porch – seni – was a large light unheated premise built on pillars. All the listed types of buildings had a typically rich interior and decorated with luxurious utensils.The second group of buildings – dwelling proper of Knyaz’s residence – “khoromy”, which make a whole complex of buildings. Khoromy could comprise heated izbas (houses), cold gornitsas-“povalushi” (rooms), small sleeping rooms – “lozhnitsas”, poly-functional “kleti” (storeroom), baths – “istopki”, luxurious “polati”, prisons –“poruby”.The third group of buildings of Knyaz’s court included household constructions (various storerooms, cellars, granaries). The fourth group of buildings was of military and defence use; it seems that it was represented by buildings of tower-like type.The fifth group of features in a Knyaz’s residence included court temples.
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The archeological complex Rapti-Navolok is located 15 km south-southeast of town Luga, Leningrad region, on the north-eastern shore of Cheremenets Lake. There are three multi-layered settlements and mounds of Old-Russian time and of the Long Barrow Culture. This publication puts into scientific circulation some results of excavations by author.The oldest traces of human habitation here belong to the Stone Age and the so-called Paleometal time. These materials are not numerous.Early Medieval sites belong to the Long Barrow Culture. The earliest item is the buckle with hollow B-shaped frame and a needle with a square shield from mound 21 in the group Rapti-Navolok III. It must be dated to the middle of 7th century the latest.The materials of Long Barrow Culture are present in all three explored settlements. The settlement Rapti-Navolok VI is most interesting, with a solitary high mound “Borovskoe Kupalische” located at its northern edge. Analysis of materials of 1971 and new data suggest that the mound was built over the burnt house. The settlements Rapti-Navolok VII and VIII are a single complex on both banks of the brook. It seems that there was a residential area on one side of the brook, and a metallurgical workshop on the other.Materials of excavations of settlements and burial sites demonstrate gradual spread of the Old Russian Culture here, but a detailed examination of Old Russian sites is not the purpose of this article.
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The object of this work is a bronze die from the Late Middle Ages to produce appliques with image of the archangel Gabriel. The archangel is represented on the work surface. In above of image there is a three-row head incised inscription in abbreviation. It begins with "ʘ" (ό άγιος) and follow with the name (АР)ХА(ГГЕΛОС) (ГАВ)Р(Ι)Η(Λ). On this artefact Annunciation scene is a rare variant in which the archangel Gabriel give a flowers to the Mother of God. As a sign of reverence before it, the hands of the angel covered with a raiment. The use of this matrix is the preparation of applications with this scene. Perhaps this is just a part of the complex of composition with Mary presentation. Each image was locked in a circular medallion, positioned within the icons and crosses. The practice inlay images of characters from the Christian pantheon of objects begins at XI century. According to the written sources, gradually increasing the role of silver fittings of icons like inlays, as the background between they are filled with ornaments. Samples of different iconographic types are mainly made in the studios of the Byzantine capital. Their distribution contributes to the strengthening of popular stylistic traits and influences. Matrix probably made in a Constantinople workshop at the XII-XIII century.
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The article is a philological analysis and an initial epigraphic analysis of inscriptions embroidered on silk fabric found in 1960 in tomb no. 24 in the Romanesque collegiate church in Kruszwica. The preserved three pieces of silk (two are of identical length and one is a fragment) originally constituted probably a single object with the inscriptions arranged most likely into a sequence with a cohesive meaning (on the function of this object cf. articles by E. Dąbrowska and M. Cybulska and E. Orlińska-Mianowska in this volume). A philological analysis of the inscriptions preserved on the longer pieces of fabric makes it possible to ascertain that they comprise rhythmic-versification units. Inscription no.1 is in so-called rich hexameter, while inscription no. 2 is an incipit of a hymn to The Holy Spirit, attributed to Notker the Stammerer (Balbulus) from St. Gallen. The fragmentary inscription no. 3., barely several letters long, poses the greatest interpretation problem owing to the state of its preservation, which (according to B. Kürbis, who witnessed its discovery) could have been quite different than its present-day version. For this reason it seems possible to decipher the fragment in question in two ways, and the place which inscription no. 3. could have originally held in the sequence of inscriptions remains of a closely connected question. An epigraphic analysis of the inscriptions written in Romanesque capitals with elements of the uncial indicates their imitative execution (i.a. an error in the word: spiritus in inscription no. 2), albeit with the use of rather sophisticated lettering (the letter P). The shapes of the signs permit a restricted establishment of the time of the origin of the inscriptions, since some occur in codex writing and epigraphic much earlier than could be the date of the strips of fabric from Kruszwica (A in: gracia from inscription no. 2). By referring to a typology of Romanesque epigraphic writing presented by Rudolf M. Kloos, codex and epigraphic comparative material (which should be considerably expanded) allows us to propose an approximate time of the origin of the inscriptions as not later than the second half or the end of the twelfth century, especially if the object to which the discussed inscriptions belong had been imported from the West.
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The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne 64 (2014), issue 2. The present article indicates some examples of the circumstances and ways of taking prisoners of war into captivity during military conflicts, the different possibilities of treating them and some measures to release them. The article includes, among others, fixed gestures and signs that were used to manifest the intention of giving oneself into the hands of one’s opponent and the ways of treating other prisoners of war. The examples cited herein, related to the captivity of kings, illustrate how different were the ways of treating prisoners of war, even of the same rank. Moreover, they show that some aspects of a politico-economic nature were superior to those indicated by the chivalric code. At the same time, the Crusades and close encounters with the Islamic world contributed to the considerable growth of sensibility to the fate of prisoners of war, which was expressed by the institutionalised (at least partially) procedure of giving freedom.
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Weapon are not typically found in Novgorod Land burials of the 8th—10th centuries. A new funerary rite was formed with the adoption of Christianity, with a number of specific features — erection of burial mounds, costume and headdress of the interred. Weapons, mainly spears and axes of various types, appear in male burials of the 11th—13th centuries, which can be connected with distribution of a new faith and self-identification of the local population. Concentration of burials with weapons in the border areas marks the western and north-western borders of the Novgorod Land and their defense systems. Such burials gradually disappeared starting from the second half of the 12th century. It is associated with the evangelization of the population, changes in land relations and in the military organization of Novgorod.
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To date, more than 50 medieval swords, broadswords and sabers belonging to the culture of the Yenisei Kyrgyz have been recorded on the territory of the Minusinsk Basin and Tuva. Among them, a group of four items with Arabic inscriptions on the blades stands out, of which only three are available for study. The first find discovered at the end of the 19th century was lost, and the information about it is very scarce. The second find is stored in the Minusinsk regional museum of local history: it is half of a broadsword from which a woodworking tool (saw) was made at a later time. On one side of the broadsword there is an inscription made by chisel. This inscription is an imitation of Arabic inscriptions. In the same museum, there is a saber, on one side of which there is also an inscription and an image of a hexagonal star surrounded by two wavy lines. They are not visible due to metal corrosion. It is possible that the inscriptions are made in “Naskh” handwriting. The fourth sword was discovered during excavations of the Kyrgyz burial ground Eilig-Khem III. In the literature, it is known as the “sword of Bagyr”. On both sides of the blade, the inscription is clearly visible, which is one of the suras of the Quran. The article discusses a possible East European origin of these expensive weapons and ways of its penetration into Southern Siberia as a military trophy or import from Zhetysu (Semirechye) region. The Yenisei Kyrgyz, who cremated their warriors upon funeral pyres together with their weapons, these weapons served as an additional indicator of their social status.
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The article is an attempt to give the interpretation to the unique mud-brick construction on Starokievskaya Hora near the Desyatinnaya church excavated in 1909, 1911, and 2007. The authors undertake the comprehensive analysis of the field records of the early 20th century research and the stratigraphical observations in the course of the recent excavations of the secular buildings surrounding Desyatinnaya church, and presume that the mud-brick construction was a standing wall of the princely residence, and that it was erected by the builders responsible for the construction of the late 10th century mud-brick fortifications in Pereyaslav, Belgorod and others. A few versions of the origin of these builders are considered. The links with the building techniques of the Saltovo archaeological culture fortifications on the river Tikhaya Sosna are believed to be much more grounded than the links with the contemporary fortification tradition of Byzantium or the First Bulgarian Kingdom.
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Despite relatively short period of Sasanian occupation of Egypt, there is much evidence of their influence upon Egyptian material culture, and especially, textile production. Sasanian and post-Sasanian influence was manifested in different fields related to textiles in general: changes in costume and ‘fashion’, appearing of neatly tailored garments, introduction of new textile techniques and iconographical features. Egyptian weavers started drawing inspiration from new images and subjects. The question is how deep that influence got into the Egyptian textile production weaving techniques? The studies of textile objects from the Egyptian necropolises of Late Antiquity demonstrate the controversial nature of Sasanian occupation of Egypt. Certainly, it contributed to expansion of the Central Asian influence. At the same time, this influence was not spread by force. At some point, a certain technical feature or iconographical motif alien for Egyptian culture, became fashionable, later to be adopted and considered autochthonous. Egyptians developed new weaving techniques inspired by colorful and fancy Near Eastern models. The Egyptian-Persian workshops imitated some Central Asian techniques, but provincial weavers and tailors copied just shapes. The finished textiles and dress were not imitations of original costumes but rather copies of copies.
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This material is a review of recently published books on the results of the archaeological study of early city centers of the Viking period in Northern Russia: Ryurikovo Gorodishche, Pskov, Gnyozdovo, Gorodok on Lovat’ and Usvyat. Lack of detailed publications of many key archaeological sites is a long-standing problem of Russian archeology, which has only gradually improved in recent years. The books considered here add up to a kind of a single collection, united both by a common theme and by a single circle of authors. The most important topics are the development of early urban centers in Northern Russia, the chronology and mechanisms of the formation of medieval Russian culture as primarily the culture of urban centers, the role of Northern Europe and Byzantium in the composition of medieval Russian culture, connections of early cities with their environs and with each other. Some of the proposed points are debatable, while others confirm and develop the existing concepts.
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Purpose of Article. The study aims to evaluate and prove the reliability of the production of crosses with partitioned enamels in the ancient Galich in the second half of the XII century. The methodology of the research is to apply art-study, analytical, and comparative research methods, which allowed, based on the analysis of the arts and archaeological source, to discover the similarities and differences in the made-up jewels and relics of the ancient masters found in the territory of the Galician land. The scientific novelty of the study involves the art-study analysis of previously unknown works of jewelry art, based on the analysis of which was established existence in Galich in the XII century, an original art school for the production of sacral products in the technology of partitioned enamels. Conclusions. As a result of the research, it was found that the establishment of the production of cross-engolpions in the Galician Principality dates back to the middle of the XII century when the Galician masters seized one of the most complex craft professions - glasswork, which is confirmed by archaeological excavations. The mentioned fact allowed to move from using Byzantine smalt to local enamel production, introducing a new interpretation of sacred works. Findings of the Galician crosses with partitioned enamels convincingly testify to the flowering of the enamel affair in the ancient Galich in the second half of the XII century.
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„Jedan od Markesovih najmudrijih citata glasi: Čovjek ima pravo da gleda drugog odozgo, jedino kada treba da mu pomogne da se uspravi. Lijepo je on to rekao, ali se ljudi sve manje osvrću na njegove riječi.“ Filozof Ciceron postavio je pitanje: „Što čini čovjeka čovjekom?“ te je sam sebi odgovorio: „Bezobziran čovjek, koji se ne zanima za druge ljude, nije human“, tj. on je „nečovječan“. Prema istim razmišljanjima, uz pomoć „dobrih ili zlih djela“, pojedinci mogu postati „čovječni ili nečovječni“. Priča o humanosti i empatiji je priča o meni i tebi, o nama - ljudima, našoj čovječnosti i sposobnosti da shvatimo i razumijemo jedni druge (bližnjeg svog). Da pomognemo da ustane onom ko pada, pružimo ruku onom ko strada, da pružimo utjehu, bodrimo, umirimo i zagrlimo onog ko strahuje. Onaj ko je tako nešto primjenjivao, koji je ostavio ugled čitavog svijeta, koji je cijeloj hrišćanskoj Evropi održao lekciju iz islamskog morala i etike ratovanja, kada je, nakon oslobađanja Jerusalima od krstaša, pokazao neviđenu toleranciju i nije postupio sa hrišćanima onako kako su oni postupili sa muslimanima kada su osvojili Jerusalim, bio je Ṣalāḥ ad-Dīn Yūsuf ibn Ayyūb (SALADIN).
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The "Bulgarian Apocryphal Chronicle of Eleventh Century" is burthen with influences of many traditions, with pagan rests and veterotestamentarian images. We find cited in the text so many strange and unknown names, which cannot be related to any identified historical persons. Usually the Chronicle is proclaimed an "original work", created entirely in Bulgaria, what is a reason to attract the special attention of the academic milieus. Unfortunately, this conclusion reflects in a research methodology to isolate the cited literary work from any influence of any foreign tradition and to interpret it in a patriotic and especially anti-Byzantine direction. The present article will try to avoid this methodology aiming a very concrete and simple result: to suggest some ideas about the identification of a name we find in the Apocryphal Chronicle: that of king Arev. The king Arev is very briefly presented in the Apocryphal Chronicle: "And after this another tsar went out of Constantinople; his name was Arev and he sat on the throne of tsar Constantine and reigned seven years and died". Usually the commentaries on this citation are restricted to the assertion that this person is not yet identified. We shall try to propose below some ideas that could direct our efforts in an interesting way. We strongly believe that the Apocryphal Chronicle should be studied in the context of the Near-Eastern literature. The influence of the veterotestamentarian prophetical writing is obvious but now we would like to underline the link with the Christian Arabic tradition. The name of "Arev" is quite close to the form "Aref ', which derives from the Arabic name "Hārith". It is well known in the Empire because it passed in Greek under the form "Arethas" – the name of several great personages from the classical Byzantine times. Thus, we strongly believe that we have all reasons to offer the identification of the name of the tsar Arev from the Apocryphal Chronicle with the Christian Arabic name of Aref/Arethas. This is concerning the identification of the name but who is this person and how has he entered in the Chronicle? We have no evidence for one more Arab king in the Balkans and we rest only with Nicephorus Genikos and his dynasty. This should not be disappointing because our research led us to some important conclusions concerning the Apocryphal Chronicle. The first of them put under question the "original Bulgarian character" of the work and together with it the thesis of its "patriotic trends" in the "severe times of the Byzantine yoke". The presence of the cited Arabic name links the text to the Near Eastern tradition and put it in another than "national" or "ethnic" context. The second is the strong relation to the Biblical and Semitic in general convention and under the obvious influence of the Hebrew prophetic literature.
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