FRANCIS FUKUYAMA, IDENTITET: ZAHTJEV ZA DOSTOJANSTVOM I POLITIKE ZAMJERANJA
Review of: Višeslav Raos - Francis Fukuyama, Identitet: Zahtjev za dostojanstvom i politike zamjeranja, TIM Press, Zagreb, 2020., 280 str.
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Review of: Višeslav Raos - Francis Fukuyama, Identitet: Zahtjev za dostojanstvom i politike zamjeranja, TIM Press, Zagreb, 2020., 280 str.
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Locating and transporting the injured can be done in several ways and, certainly, the most common form is road transport. However, locating the injured person and transporting them would be easy if all the accidents happened on paved roads or in cities. Air accidents, accidents in nature, on water, and similar accidents are characterized by their inaccessibility. In response to such situations, a type of aviation developed known as intervention aviation. For this specific research, two questionnaires were composed which are correlated and have a common goal - to possibly justify the deployment of the emergency helicopter medical service and define the possible institutional organization, as well as the most consequential obstacles for its formation. Considering this is a multidisciplinary study, various methods were used for this research, but the basic method is to survey two groups of respondents. Two survey questionnaires were composed, one of which is intended for medical staff or staff directly or indirectly involved in the health system, while the other is intended for potential funders, users, institutions under which the service would operate, the academic and professional community.
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The article explores how the European populist radical right uses references to rights and freedoms in its political discourse. By relying on the findings of the existing research and applying the discourse-historical approach to electoral speeches by Marine Le Pen and Jarosław Kaczýnski, the leaders of two very dissimilar EU PRR parties, the Rassemblement National and the Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, the article abductively develops a functional typology of references to rights and freedoms commonly used in discourses of European PRR parties: it suggests that PRR discourses in Europe feature references to the right to sovereignty, citizens’ rights, social rights, and economic rights. Such references are used as a coherent discursive strategy to construct social actors following the PRR ideological core of nativism, authoritarianism, and populism. As the PRR identifies itself with the people, defined along nativist and populist lines, rights are always attributed to it. The PRR represents itself as the defender of the people and its rights, while the elites and the aliens are predicated to threaten the people and its rights. References to rights in PRR discourses intrinsically link the individual with the collective, which allows to construct and promote a populist model of ethnic democracy.
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When Hegel was binding the history of the world to the history of European national self-identity, it was assumed among his public that the age of the planet could be measured in a few millennia (1e3 or 1e4 years), not aeons (1e9 years). The fabrication of social memory and the intuition of planetary duration were thought to operate in closely-paired natural rhythms. While the deep time of the genomic and geologic record shows that that they do not, the illusion of their contemporaneity also brought dark consequences that, strangely enough, would actualize that exact same illusion. In the subsequent era, the meta-consequence of this short-sighted conceit is the Anthropocene itself, a period in which local economic history has in fact determined planetary circumstances in its own image. The temporal binding of social and planetary time has been, in this way, a self-fulfilling superstition. As such, how is the anthropos of Anthropogeny similar to or different from the anthropos of the Anthropocene? Are they correspondent? Does the appearance of the human lead inevitably toward, if not this particular Anthropocene, then an Anthropocene, and some eventual strong binding of social and geologic economies?
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The article analyses selected problems in the implementation of the Polish-Ukrainian strategic partnership assumptions. The aspects of bilateral relations that undoubtedly made it difficult to engage in a constructive dialogue in the 21st century, were outlined. It was also pointed out that the implementation of foreign policy assumptions in both countries is often the result of a historical politics and a mythologized image of a neighbouring country. In addition, putting the historical discourse over political, economic and social took part in the events. Kwaśniewski recalled then “the bravery and merits of those soldiers problems may result in lowering the standards of democracy, and the expectation from the other side to accept a specific vision of the past may indicate that politicians are focused on domestic politics at the expense of the country’s position on the international arena.
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The article suggests a new approach for the philosophy of language understanding of national value. The approach views national value as formants / components of language consciousness. Value dominants are considered in a cognitive-semiotic perspective from the standpoint of their relationship with the notions of communicative value and linguocultural code. The influence of communicative values on the formation of dominants of national language consciousness with a corresponding sign character and functional potential has been considered separately. Thus, in the methodological framework of cognitive semiotics the idea of the conditionality of the collective / individual language consciousness to the semiotization of national value orientations has been postulated. Such processes determine the value dominants of national communicative behaviour, which forms the discursive space of a particular linguaculture.
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In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the political landscape of the Joseon Dynasty was complicated by the involvement of external powers. In addition to impact of international relations with Japan, China, and western authorities, the social condition of the local people was also influenced by the emergence of new religious movements (NRMs) arising from the traditional religions of East Asia. Among them, the unique religiosity of Choe Je-u (1824–1864), Kang Jeungsan (1871–1909), Pak Chungbin (1889–1943), and Na Cheol (1868–1916) comprise the four major native groups. Choe’s Donghak was the first Korean NRM and emerged in 1860. The Jeungsanist movement (1900) and Pak’s Wonbulgyo (Won Buddhism) (1924) are the most successful organisations. In this light, the article views Na Cheol and his movement. How did Daejonggyo originate? What are the key teachings? How did this religion survive under colonial persecution? What is the image of that native Korean NRM? This paper explores the historical background of Daejonggyo and the military-political narratives of the founder and his successors in the regions of Korea and Manchuria (China), since they were both an active religion and a political movement in religious guise. Although the Dangun myth is not especially popular in the contemporary society, the transnational commitment of the group could arguably imply the philosophy of a religious nationalism through its mystical origin, counter-colonial protests, and ethnic modernity (i.e., national enlightenment) during the period from 1910s to 1960s.
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Societies around the globe have been witnessing the emergence of the radical right, often seen as the result of neoliberal globalization. Democratic governance, liberalism, human rights, and values are being questioned while populist, authoritarian, and ethnonationalist forms of governance are being offered. In the European Union, the tumultuous developments have been testing the viability of the identity marker of Europeanness and its perseverance in EU member states. What we are witnessing are significant shifts in the discourse about sameness and otherness, the convergence of left and right ideologies and the emergence of hybrid forms of authoritarianism and democracy that have been dubbed as illiberal democracy or authoritarian liberalism. The rise of the radical right and its mobilization across the EU member states is reflective of these processes, and it is the goal of this author to understand the mechanisms behind the empowerment, mobilization, and normalization of radical right through the case study of Slovakia. In particular, the effort of this paper is to understand how the far-right party Kotlebovci – Ľudová Strana Naše Slovensko (ĽSNS) in Slovakia re-conceptualized the notion of nation and normalized far-right ideology as a pretext of a broader mobilization.
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Starting from the examination of the scholarly literature, this study proposes an analysis of the political program of the party called the Alliance for the Union of Romanians, within the conceptual framework of fascism. Based on a descriptive research design, the paper identifies a series of defining elements of fascist ideology and follows the way of reflecting them in the party’s programmatic document. The analysis reflects the existence of convergence areas between AUR’s political program and the ideology of the extreme right, which marks the return of the radical right to Parliament and into the mainstream of romanian politics.
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This article focuses on how the demand for social and political meanings, generated by nation-building processes and competence between nationalisms in Central Europe, has determined the protection and heritagisation of vernacular architecture. The problem has been analysed using the example of the wooden churches in Upper Silesia—the region contested by Germany and Poland. These monuments gained unprecedented importance as they were believed to testify to ancient architectural traditions and were used to prove the Germanic or Slavic roots of regional culture. The article reveals the evolution of churches’ meanings and the ways they have affected the monument protection and functioning of open-air museums.
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The article focuses on the image of Africa and Africans in the Zgodnja Danica newspaper among Slovenians in the period fom 1849 to 1859. At that time, the Catholic mission for Central Africa under the leadership of Ignacij Knoblehar was also supported by the Austrian Empire for the reasons of a potential colonial expansion, while the decade coincided with the beginning of the Slovenian nation-building process. After 1848, however, the non-absolutist regime and the principles of Catholic ideology prevailed, so that only two newspapers were allowed to be published in Slovenian, one of them Zgodnja Danica. Luka Jeran, the editor of the journal and strong promoter of the mission, published, translated, and censored numerous leters and reports by Knoblehar and his co-workers that presented the missionary’s view of the physical aspects and people of what are now Egypt, Sudan, and South Sudan. The land was portrayed as “distant” and as possessing an “unhealthy climate”. In contrast, the people were portrayed, on the one hand, as bright, beautiful, and skilled, while on the other hand, they were deemed as “lazy and undeveloped”, as they were seen fom the Western perspective of development and progress. Moreover, the articles written by people who had never been to Africa generated the stereotype of the “helpless and poor” African, while the land was portrayed as “dark” and “dangerous”. As a part of the prevailing image, numerous “fundraisers” in support of the Central African mission reveal not only how Slovenians saw Africa and Africans, but also how they saw “themselves” in contrast to “the others”, forming an “autostereotype” of the Slovenian who can “help” those who, in their perception, needed their assistance.
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Review of: John P. Enyeart. Death to Fascism: Louis Adamic’s Fight for Democracy. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2019, 238 strani. Reviewed by: Željko Oset.
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The article focuses on the activities of the Slovenian National Party since its establishment to date based on its programme documents and media coverage of its activities within the Parliament as well as outside of it. The analysis of the documents reveals certain constant features that define this party in the Slovenian political space while simultaneously demonstrating particular changes in its public image and political orientation. Despite all the changes, the analysis indicates that the National Party has been rather consistent in its ideological standpoints, although not in public opinion. In many ways, this consistency stems from lapidary argumentation that has enabled a broad interpretation of its fundamental positions in the ideological as well as socio-economic field.
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In the article, the author attempted to verify opinions about the nationalist character of Iosif Stalin’s views. He analysed these elements of Stalin’s views, which could have been linked with Russian nationalism, such as how Stalin treated Russia’s history, the image of the Russian nation, its special status and historical role, and russification projects. Appeals to national values, tradition and patriotism were used as instruments serving to mobilise society for the redevelopment of the country in the course of a ‘top-down revolution’, consolidate the people in the face of the growing threat of war, and increase the legitimacy of the regime. In the 1930s, Stalin paid attention primarily to the creation and development of the Russian state, centralisation of state power, the formation of the Russian Empire and its international role. It was the Russian state and not the Russian nation that was the object of his interest. Most clearly, nationalist influences were evident in how Stalin perceived the Russian nation and assigned it a special status. More and more, Stalin attributed outstanding qualities and merits to the Russian people, constituting an argument for its unique position among other nations of the USSR – as ‘the first among equals’ and even the ‘guiding force’ of the Soviet society. Stalin was convinced that only the Russians could ensure the coherence and effectiveness of the multinational Soviet state; he saw them as the most numerous and the most developed, most historically prepared for such a role. Stalinist russification was imperial rather than nationalist in the traditional understanding of Russian pre-revolutionary nationalism. Stalin’s views were characterised by state-centrism rather than nationalism, and content that could be considered manifestations of nationalism was treated instrumentally by him.
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In the 1930s, in the borderlands disputed by two rival nationalisms - Czechoslovak Silesia and East Prussia - two Catholic churches were erected to commemorate the fallen in the Great War. Comparison of iconographic programmes, statements made during public rituals and press texts allows to analyse two different identity discourses, which were reflected in both objects. Their common denominator is the reference to the temporal native land, described as Heimat. The fallen are presented as those who sacrificed for the living. In both cases, however, the vision of a community was fundamentally different. In Opava, it had a territorial, supra-ethnic, and even supra-religious character - the monument planned as part of the foundation was to commemorate the fallen of various languages and religions. In Giżycko Heimat was interpreted as the embodiment of the homogeneous Volksgemeinschaft , and East Prussia was shown as an ancient German bastion against Slavic barbarism.
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The article deals with the problems of adoption of nationalist orientation by a newly created multinational state, regarded by its power elites as the one-nation state. The purpose of the analysis is to answer the question in what way the political groups wielding power in interwar Poland constructed the discourses shaping the nationalistic policy and practice towards the indigenous Belarusian population inhabiting the Polish territory. The study, based on the texts generated by members of the analysed political camps, supplemented by historiographic and political science analyses, uses the analytical frames created by Rogers Brubaker. The public discourses of governing formations (National Democracy, Pilsudski camp, and the Camp of National Unity) are analysed in four topics: (1) the ethnic model of the nation; (2) the idea of state ownership by the nation; (3) the convention that the interest of the state is threatened; (4) the need for actions necessary for the proper implementation of the national interest. Each of these discourses revealed the features characteristics of a nationalising state, and the differences concerned mainly the structure of the discourse, which was becoming increasingly uniform.
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The article is based on a source analysis of previously unused documents, originating from the legacy of Mykola Kapustiansky and Mykhailo Seleshko from the Archives of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists in Kyiv. The text discusses the evolution of the political thought of the OUN in the second half of the 1930s, in three thematic areas, which are the subject of intense discussion among scholars. First of all, analysing Seleshko correspondence, I show that the attitude of the older generation of OUN activists towards Jews, on the eve of World War II, was not much more radical than that of young activists coming from the National Executive of OUN. Secondly, new documents complement our knowledge of the political and military concept of Mykhailo Kolodzinsky. I show that his idea of a nationalist uprising was presented for the first time in his 1937 work Guerrilla War; at that time, Kolodzinsky distanced himself from the idea to link the uprising with ethnic cleansing on Poles and Jews. Finally, I show that although the basic political orientation of Ukrainian nationalists on the eve of World War II assumed cooperation between the OUN and the Third Reich, there are also documents showing attempts to interest the British in the Ukrainian question. These conclusions diverge to some extent from existing arrangements, which means that further source research into the OUN political thought in the second half of the 1930s is necessary.
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The newspaper Trakya Pasaeli was first launched on December 2, 1918. It was the official publication of the Trakya Pasaeli Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti, and was one of the first periodicals of the so-called Armistice & National Struggle Press period. This period, alongside the military and political events that took place thereafter directly affected newspaper’s publication policy. They also influenced what it focused on, theme wise. Moreover, Trakya Paşaeli offers us detailed insight into people’s ideas about regional liberation as well as what they did in the name of the [Turkish] National Struggle. It also gives us striking data about the institutional history of a private provincial newspaper. On the other hand, as it was the official organ of the Trakya Pasaeli Müdafaa-i Hukuk Cemiyeti, it therefore contained information about the history of Thracian society that one cannot find in other sources. Thus, it sheds light on the developments that took place between the end of 1918 and the beginning of 1920, both from a local and national perspective.
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The assassination of Bronisław Pieracki, Polish Minister of Interior, which took place in 1934, was the most significant operation carried out by the Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists during the interwar period, and was a consequence of tense Polish-Ukrainian relations. The so-called Senyk’s Archive, discovered by Czechoslovakian intelligence in 1933 and handed over to the Polish authorities, was disclosed too late to prevent the tragedy, yet it became grounds for the formulation of an indictment against Stepan Bandera and other OUN members involved in terrorist activities against the Second Polish Republic. The archive consists of about 700 letters exchanged by the members of the OUN Board in exile. The author of the present article has discovered them in the Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine in Lviv. The discovery of these documents raises new research problems, and also allows us to answer questions that have remained a mystery until now. The analysis of the letters will allow to fill the gaps not only in our knowledge of the functioning of the OUN, but also in the Polish-Ukrainian relations of the interwar period. It will also constitute an important contribution to the understanding of the emergence of nationalism throughout Europe in the 1930s. The international context is also very important. The letters of OUN members provide the researchers with insight not only into the internal modus operandi of the group, but also into their lobbying efforts, conducted all over the world. The OUN sought to establish cooperation with Poland’s neighbours (Germany, Czechoslovakia, Lithuania), as well as Western European powers (e.g. Great Britain, Italy), Canada and the United States, i.e. wherever the Ukrainian diaspora was active. The author’s intention is to outline the context of Senyk’s Archive, thus summarising the current state of knowledge and, above all, indicating research perspectives.
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The article aims to familiarize the readers with the mythologization of Stepan Bandera. This figure currently does not enjoy popularity among Ukrainians, but he is used in creating historical politics, which has a direct impact on the shaping of Ukraine’s foreign policy and relations with other countries. Using the comparative method and the method of critical analysis, the following research hypotheses were verified: Stepan Bandera is not a leader or an outstanding historical hero in the eyes of all Ukrainians, and his assessment varies regionally. Bandera is not a figure that can gain popularity in a democratic state, and contemporary Ukrainian leaders distance themselves from him. The popularity of Bandera is a myth that has become part of Polish historical and foreign policy, but also an element of the interpretation of patriotism as an opposition to Russia, more and more common in Ukraine. The conclusion of the study is that the historical memory in Ukraine is regionalised and it is impossible to consider Bandera as the hero of the whole country, and the Ukrainian perception of nationalism does not match the Polish point of view. As a kind of symbol, Bandera’s myth certainly does not play a major role in Ukraine’s social or political life, but rather serves to unite the nation around a common idea.
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