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“KOSSUTH: THE HERMIT AND THE CROWD”

Author(s): Alice Freifeld / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2002

Kossuth, the crowd hero, was the pioneer of an exciting new political discourse that used the Magyar vernacular. In exile, Kossuth presented himself as “the wandering son of a bleeding nation.” Eventually, he retreated into the role of the hermit of Turin. His funeral attracted a crowd of over a million people in 1894.

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“LET’S BEGIN LOVE ANEW”:RIGHT WING ON WOMEN, WOMEN ON RIGHT WING, CASE OF SERBIA

Author(s): Jelena Višnjić / Language(s): English / Issue: 03/2016

Public disqualification of women is done through denying them the right of ownership and decide on their bodies and it is a paradigm of the conservative, nationalist discourse of the Serbian Orthodox Church, but also a crucial part of the value system of the right wing, which remains the same for different social systems. Right wing organizations and the Serbian Orthodox Church not only disapprove the emancipation of women and their equal position in society, but continually oppose these values in public and media space and actively advocate for the disrespect and violation of the rights guaranteed by the Constitution and other laws. In a secular society such as ours, the border separating state and church should be clear, so that patriarchal, traditional, conservative discourse of the church and the right wing could not even think about usurping the (symbolic) spaces of freedoms and rights we have won, nor could they produce the hate speech and discrimination against women.

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“Look at Me, You Unfaithful Wife:” The Right-Wing on Women, The Women of the Rigth Wing and the Serbia Case

“Look at Me, You Unfaithful Wife:” The Right-Wing on Women, The Women of the Rigth Wing and the Serbia Case

Author(s): Jelena Višnjić / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

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“Odgoj nacije” — Fichteovo zasnivanje filozofije nacionalnog

“Odgoj nacije” — Fichteovo zasnivanje filozofije nacionalnog

Author(s): Goran Gretić / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 01/1994

The author shows how Fichte’s concept of the nation, although modern, originates in a long philosophical tradition that postulates the importance of the community above that of the individual. Fichte’s original philosophy of humanity, inspired by enlightenment and especially Kant, he later transferred to the abstract ethical unit of nation. In it, the concept of humanity (later ’nation’) is the most general community towards which the individual aspires to become a member because of his longing for the absolute. The general understanding of nations transforms into Fichte’s later philosophical hypostasis of the German nation. According to Fichte, only the German nation, as a community tied by a “living language” has general human importance and a world historical mission to be accomplished in the future. The German nation, however, must become a dynamic unit through elevating its people above political and social divisions. This occurs through the education of individuals for love of the nation, based upon “true” philosophy (Fichte’s philosophical teachings). The author concludes that the concept of a nation in Fichte’s later works (in which the relationship between the individual and the state is an educational dictatorship and the complete destruction of individuality) creates a fertile ground for totalitarian, nationalistic ideology.

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“OPERATIONS OF INFLUENCE” IN THE SETTLEMENT
MOLDOVAN-TRANSNISTRIAN CONFLICT

“OPERATIONS OF INFLUENCE” IN THE SETTLEMENT MOLDOVAN-TRANSNISTRIAN CONFLICT

Author(s): Anatoly Dirun / Language(s): Romanian / Issue: 1/2019

The article discusses the place and role of influence operations in the process of resolving the Moldovan-Transnistrian conflict.The experience of using by parties to the conflict this type of informational confrontation is analyzed. The features of conducting influence operations in the conditions of a frozen conflict are highlighted.

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“Purifying” Bosniaks: The Rise of Salafism in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Implications on Transitional Justice and Human Rights

Author(s): Nejra Veljan / Language(s): English / Issue: 9/2018

The 9/11 attacks in the US in 2001, the Madrid bombings and the overall War on Terror have raised attention for the Balkans where two countries (Bosnia and Kosovo) have a Muslim majority (Bougarel, 2008; Öktem, 2011). With the troublesome history of the region in mind, national- and international actors nowadays express their concerns about the ‘’possibility of the Balkans becoming a hotbed of Islamic terrorism, Salafism and Jihadi terrorism.’’ Considering the current situation in Bosnia, and the threat it poses to national- and international security, this article will discuss Salafism and processes of Islamic radicalization in Bosnia. Therefore, the first research question is formulated as follows: What are the characteristics of Islamic radicalization in Bosnia and Herzegovina? This research question is guided by the following sub questions: 1) What are the consequences of the spread of Salafism in Bosnia and Herzegovina? 2)What policies can we implement in order to prevent radicalisation of the youth? The second sub-question will be presented seperately, after conclusion in a form of recommendations.

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“Remember, Reflect, Reimagine” - Jews and Irish nationalism through the lens of the 1916 centenary commemorations

“Remember, Reflect, Reimagine” - Jews and Irish nationalism through the lens of the 1916 centenary commemorations

Author(s): Natalie Wynn / Language(s): English / Issue: 01/2017

This paper examines popular representations of Jewish attitudes towards Irish nationalism, and the way that these have evolved in the hundred years between the Easter Rising of 1916 and its centenary commemorations in 2016. Although it is now a standard assumption that Jews sup- ported the Irish nationalist movement, including its militant branch, sources from the rst half of the twentieth century suggest that the reality was in fact significantly more nuanced and ambivalent. The fiftieth anniversary of the Easter Rising appears to have marked a turning point for constructions of both Irish and Irish Jewish identity. In 1966, the Irish government viewed the first state-sponsored commemoration of 1916 as an opportunity to foster more unifying and inclusive constructions of “Irish-ness” with the Easter Rising as a focal point. Around this time, a more positive narrative of Jewish engagement with Irish nationalism also appears to have emerged. In the ensuing fifty years this narrative has been gradually buttressed, expanded upon and embellished, particularly in the run-up to the much anticipated centenary commemorations of 2016. In this article I investigate how the narrative of Jews and Irish nationalism has evolved, and continues to evolve, in response to changing needs and circumstances both within and beyond Ireland’s Jewish community.This paper examines popular representations of Jewish attitudes towards Irish nationalism, and the way that these have evolved in the hundred years between the Easter Rising of 1916 and its centenary commemorations in 2016. Although it is now a standard assumption that Jews sup- ported the Irish nationalist movement, including its militant branch, sources from the rest half of the twentieth century suggest that the reality was in fact significantly more nuanced and ambivalent. The fiftieth anniversary of the Easter Rising appears to have marked a turning point for constructions of both Irish and Irish Jewish identity. In 1966, the Irish government viewed the first state-sponsored commemoration of 1916 as an opportunity to foster more unifying and inclusive constructions of “Irish-ness” with the Easter Rising as a focal point. Around this time, a more positive narrative of Jewish engagement with Irish nationalism also appears to have emerged. In the ensuing fifty years this narrative has been gradually buttressed, expanded upon and embellished, particularly in the run-up to the much anticipated centenary commemorations of 2016. In this article I investigate how the narrative of Jews and Irish nationalism has evolved, and continues to evolve, in response to changing needs and circumstances both within and beyond Ireland’s Jewish community.

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“Serbian Mother” Before the Court of Nation: Milan Nedić and Rehabilitation of Collaboration in Postsocialist Serbia

“Serbian Mother” Before the Court of Nation: Milan Nedić and Rehabilitation of Collaboration in Postsocialist Serbia

Author(s): Milivoj Bešlin / Language(s): English / Issue: 2-3/2018

The paper presents a synthesized overview of the theory and practice of revisionist policies in the dominant parts of Serbian society and historiography. The paper focuses on the historical role of the president of the Quisling Government in occupied Serbia, Milan Nedic. Despite the unquestionable collaboration, which was not only political and institutional but also ideological and practical, which was manifested in the adoption and implementation of the “Aryan” racist ordinances and the Holocaust, social and media rehabilitation of Milan Nedic began in the first years after the breakdown of socialism. Different aspects of the society, from the church to the theater and the media, participated in these activities. The peak of the rehabilitation of the collaboration and of Milan Nedic in post-socialist Serbia took place in the first decade of the 21st century when the top of the state invited the public to honour the personification of Serbian quislings - as patriots and martyrs. The paper also analyzes the attempt of judicial rehabilitation of Milan Nedic.

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“SLOVENYA”DA XIX. YÜZYILIN İLK YARISINDA MİLLİ HAREKET

“SLOVENYA”DA XIX. YÜZYILIN İLK YARISINDA MİLLİ HAREKET

Author(s): Hakan Demir / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 2/2017

In this study the nationalization process of Slovenes, who declared their independence from Yugoslavia in 1991 and established an independent state for the first time, in the first half of the XIXth century will be examined. The Slovenes, firstly entered the process of nationalization through the studies in the field of language and culture and then they politically demanded the unification of different Slovene regions under the autonomous administrative unit of the “United Slovenia (Zedinjena Slovenia)” within the framework of Habsburg Monarchy during the Revolutions of 1848 in Europe. The “United Slovenia” was the first nationalist political program of Slovenes in the modern era. The “United Slovenia” program also was the basic reference to Slovenian nationalist demands during the Yugoslavian period in the XXth century.

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“Stop the War in the Name of Children”: Children and Nation Building Through Croatian Patriotic Music (1991-1992)

Author(s): Ivana Polić / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2019

While histories of ethnic conflicts and nationalism focus mainly on adult actors, this study seeks to shed light on the importance of children and their centrality to post-socialist nation-building through popular culture. Looking at what in Croatia is known as the War of Independence (or Homeland War), the project focuses on a particular, so far almost completely unexplored, aspect of Croatian nation-building: the role of children in the production, dissemination, and impact of Croatian patriotic music. During the war in Croatia, musicians of all genres joined the effort of “defending the homeland through music,” and their songs and videos were incessantly broadcasted on national television and radio stations. Existing studies analysing Croatian patriotic music in this period consider it mostly from the perspective of a cultural and regional identity marker, while the interest to explore music as a political tool has become a nascent field only in the past two decades. Although a few works have attempted to explore depictions of male and female gender within this discourse, no studies have so far researched the role of children as an impact factor via this type of art. Through a media analysis of music production materials, this article shows that numerous patriotic songs and videos included children, whether as singers or background participants, who became actively involved in promoting the Croatian cause at home and abroad, and were therefore one of the essential agents of creating a distinctively Croatian national identity.

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“The Linguistics of Ethnic Nationalism in the Western Balkans”

Author(s): Almasa Mulalić / Language(s): English / Issue: 2/2018

The Western Balkans socio-political discourse is heavily focused on the exclusive and radical ethnic nationalism and ideology. In this regard, the media and the political elites, through their focus on symbols, myths, ethnicity, tradition, history, language and culture play an important role in shaping the public opinion. Consequently, the daily newspapers in reporting the views of the political elites, within linguistic, discursive, socio-political and ideological contexts, can influence the masses who usually do not analyze the news critically. The paper also seeks to examine and interpret differences in language use by selected Western Balkans political leaders and the way their language choice influenced public opinion. Political, nationalist and ideological discourses promoted by the political elites are very specific and the journalists should report such discourses objectively. Therefore, it is significant to compare and contrast the role played by the media and the political elites in their linguistic, discursive and socio-linguistic choices in the text that may carry ethnic nationalist and ideological meanings. The theoretical and conceptual framework of the paper was based on Fowler’s (1989; 2003; 2010) works: “Language and Power”, “Analyzing Discourse” and “The Critical Study of Language”. In order to test research objectives on the coding and analyzing ethnic nationalism and ideology in the Western Balkans newspapers, the research employed critical discourse analysis for N=534 randomly selected news from the following four newspapers: Dnevni avaz (Bosnia and Herzegovina), “Večernji list” (Croatia), “Večernje novosti” (Serbia), “Vijesti” (Montenegro), limited to a period between 2016 and 2018.

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“The more things change the more they stay the same”: Decision-making in Zimbabwean transnational families

Author(s): Admire Chereni / Language(s): English / Issue: 3/2014

Whereas studies have documented socio-cultural changes connected to migration dynamics, there is a dearth of knowledge about decision-making in transnational families. This article seeks to understand transformations in decision-making in six Zimbabwean transnational families. This is done by examining qualitative data generated through semi-structured interviews with members of the migrant families. While accentuating the need for more research on interpersonal processes in transnational families, the article illustrates that shifts in gender roles may occur alongside gender-normative behaviours that maintain women in subordinate decision-making roles.

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“There is no Nation without History, There is no Family without a Family Tree” - On Sibe Ethnic Nationalist Aspirations through the Example of a “Family Tree Unification” Story
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“There is no Nation without History, There is no Family without a Family Tree” - On Sibe Ethnic Nationalist Aspirations through the Example of a “Family Tree Unification” Story

Author(s): Ildikó Gyöngyvér Sárközi / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2016

The 1949 rise to power of the Chinese Communist Party (Zhongguo Gongchandang 中国共产党) was the beginning of a new era in China: the declaration of the People’s Republic of China (Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo 中华人民共和国) was the first step on the “socialist road” leading to the creation of the long-coveted Chinese national unity. However, progress on the “socialist road” has posed many challenges for the ethnic minorities living within China’s borders. Mostly because melting into the Chinese national unity – paradoxically – became a symbol of the autonomy of ethnic minorities. In the spirit of this process, the ethnic nationalist aspirations of the Sibe (Chin. xibo zu 锡伯族; Sib. sibe uksura ᠰᡞᠪᡝ ᡠᡣᠰᡠᠷᠠ), the ethnic minority I studied, unfolded alongside the writing of Chinese national history. In my work, I follow these endeavors from the 1950s until recent times. At the center is a story that is seemingly about the knowledge base of Sibe ancestors, the family trees, and beyond that, about the “reunification” of a clan that was torn apart in 1764 by thousands of miles. But, in fact, it formulates much more than that: the idea of political martyrdom by the Sibe in the interest of creating the Chinese national unity. It is through this story that I wish to provide an insight into how Chinese national unity was created.

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“What is Fatmagül’s Guilt?” Ethnology at the End of the 
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“What is Fatmagül’s Guilt?” Ethnology at the End of the Workday

Author(s): Vanya Zhekova / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2017

The paper offers an ethnological reading of the Turkish TV series “What is Fatmagül’s guilt?” as well as a critical view on its broadcast on Bulgarian television. The central subject matter is a group rape which sets the main theme of the series: violence against women. The authors develop the theme in two main forms:physical/sexual and symbolic violence, the latter regulated and maintained by thewedding ritual. The core of the latter is the problem of virginity.Special focus is paid to the script and the way in which pre-modern culture is presented. There are examples which show that the literary text is not only a super structure over cultural facts or their basic illustration, but in many cases it conducts a dialogue with them, transforms them and even rejects them as cultural practices (the problem of guilt, the ‘besmirching’ of the woman, the first wedding night complex,the cultural meaning of the red colour in a man’s relationship with his wife, the bed,material and spiritual, etc.). The series represents a good example of creative work on and analysis of pre-modern culture.

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“White Terror and Ghosts of Kenya”: Postcolonial, Socio-Political Imagery and Narratives of Kenyan Diasporas

“White Terror and Ghosts of Kenya”: Postcolonial, Socio-Political Imagery and Narratives of Kenyan Diasporas

Author(s): Radoli Lydia Ouma / Language(s): English / Publication Year: 0

“White Terror” (2013), a BBC documentary details colonial atrocities in Kenya and thereafter state of emergency. I argue, ghosts (memories) of the atrocities still haunt a few remaining colonial survivors. Socio-political colonial structures were inherited in post-independence Kenya. The documentary based on Harvard’s History Professor Caroline Elkins (2005) research was evidenced in a legal suit of five colonial survivors against the British government for torture. Post-2007 ethno-political conflicts in Kenya can be linked to misappropriations in the 1954 Swynerton land tenure reforms. British occupation of native land sparked an insurgency that resulted in a state emergency (1952-1960), and later turned into struggle for independence. To Kenyans, Mau Mau (largely Kikuyus) were freedom fighters, but inhuman savage terrorists to colonial agents. Geographical annexing of land placed the Kikuyu, a dominant ethnic group close to the colonial capital, while the rest of the tribes were disbursed in the peripheries. In postcolonial Kenya, political and economic disparities herald power struggles between dominant ethnicities, in the case of Kenya; Kikuyu, Luo and Kalenjin. Postcolonial theory was a result of colonial experience, “the testimonies of the third world countries and discourses of minorities within geographical and political divisions of “East and West”, “North and South” (Bhabha 1994). First generational Kenyans survived colonialism, but retain narratives of the struggle over colonial domination. Using a postcolonial and discourse theoretic qualitative methodology for documentary and interviews analysis, this paper traces narratives of postcolonial Kenya and impacts on present day social political challenges.

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„Bajoras, rašantis lietuviškai“, arba kalbos ir tautinės tapatybės ryšys ankstyvojoje Mečislovo Davainio- Silvestraičio publicistikoje

„Bajoras, rašantis lietuviškai“, arba kalbos ir tautinės tapatybės ryšys ankstyvojoje Mečislovo Davainio- Silvestraičio publicistikoje

Author(s): Olga Mastianica / Language(s): Lithuanian / Issue: 15/2013

For Lithuanian scholars Mečislovas Davainis-Silvestraitis (1849–1919) is known as a poet, a folklorist, and a book-carrier. We can often see such kind of an image constructed in popular media on occasions of commemorative events for Davainis-Silvestraitis. In historical literature, however, fragmentary biographical studies of Davainis-Silvestraitis were shaping a different image of a Lithuanian nobleman participating in the modern nation formation process. Davainis-Silvestraitis’ Polish publications in newspapers Litwa (“Lithuania”, 1908–1914) and Lud (“People”, 1912–1913) suggested that he did not consider language a primary condition of one’s national identity; besides, he concurrently discussed other elements thereof as well. But he began his publicist career in the newspaper Auszra (“Dawn”), and that was the environment in which the Lithuanian language functioned as a means of molding national identity. During the period of ban on Latin letters for Lithuanian Davainis-Silvestraitis became one of the rare examples of “a nobleman, who wrote in Lithuanian,” who composed schemes of integration of nobility into the modern Lithuanian nation, who structured strategies to return symbolism of the Lithuanian statehood to the modern city of Vilnius, and who actively discussed language connection to national identity.

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„Die Lubinaken kommen!“ Odhaľovanie Hurbanovho pomníka v Novom Meste nad Váhom v kontexte osláv 10. výročia vzniku Československej republiky

„Die Lubinaken kommen!“ Odhaľovanie Hurbanovho pomníka v Novom Meste nad Váhom v kontexte osláv 10. výročia vzniku Československej republiky

Author(s): Peter Macho / Language(s): Slovak / Issue: 3/2018

The study describes the preparation, construction and official unveiling of Jozef Miloslav Hurban’s Memorial in Nové Mesto nad Váhom on the 10th anniversary of the birth of the Czechoslovak Republic in 1928. The construction of the memorial was initiated by the local organisation of Matica slovenská, with the involvement of Slovak and Czech intellectuals (Ľudmila Podjavorinská, Rudolf Markovič, Otokar Fleischer and others). The collective remembering of Hurban was marked by creating ideologically motivated links between the Hurban and legionary traditions. The legionary element was integrated in the rhetoric and ritual aspects of this festivity on purpose. Ján Drobný suggested using this memorial initiative to achieve definitive Slovakisation of the public life in the town, even by using violence. His proposal was targeted against the members of the so-called better society which arose mainly from the Jewish community and preferred Hungarian in public communication.The events related to Hurban’s Memorial revealed the frustration of some members of the Slovak intellectual élite. They had the feeling that the upheaval and the birth of the republic in 1918/19 did not culminate with absolute victory of the Slovak national idea. The purpose-built and positively “modelled” picture of the “Hurbanist”past was one of the factors that worked in the contemporary discourse as purported guarantee of the national reliability and loyalty of the citizens of the Nové Mesto region towards the Czechoslovak state.

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„Duch mlčí, len surové mäso vyvádza“. Protižidovské stereotypy v ideológii Svetozára Hurbana-Vajanského

„Duch mlčí, len surové mäso vyvádza“. Protižidovské stereotypy v ideológii Svetozára Hurbana-Vajanského

Author(s): Miloslav Szabó / Language(s): Slovak / Issue: 2/2012

The study deals with the emotional history of Slovak antisemitism in the late 19th century. Inspired by the theory of Sander L. Gilman, it examines the role of the stereotypes of "race", sexuality and disease in the political thought of Svetozár Hurban-Vajanský who was the most influential Slovak ideologue in the 1880s and 1890s. The detailed analysis shows the impact of "race", sexuality and disease on Vajanský's perception of the nation-building processes in East Central Europe and their failure, respectivelly. The anti-Jewish stereotypes are seen as an integral part of the so called "naturalization-codes" (Bernhard Giesen) which helped the nationalist intellectuals to distinguish between their own national communities and the "others" in terms of "race" and gender. The search for the roots of the racialist antisemitism of the first half of the 20th century will thus reveal a particular ideological mixture of tradition and modernity, of Christianity and science – similar to the contemporary allegations of "ritual murder" or the visual anti-Jewish bias.

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„Heslo autonómie alebo právo na odtrhnutie?“ (Komunistické ponímanie národnostnej a „slovenskej“ otázky do polovice 20. rokov)

„Heslo autonómie alebo právo na odtrhnutie?“ (Komunistické ponímanie národnostnej a „slovenskej“ otázky do polovice 20. rokov)

Author(s): Xénia Šuchová / Language(s): Slovak / Publication Year: 0

The article deals with the ambiguous concept of the national and the specifically “Slovak“ questions as applied by the Czechoslovak Communists in the first half of the 1920s. Two contradictory concepts – the Austro-Marxist slogan of cultural and territorial autonomy within a multinational state and the Bolshevist claim to national self-determination leading to the separation from such a state – were followed by different streams of the former “Marxist Left“ and, later, the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (CPC). Since the Party´s activities were legal within the framework of parliamentary democracy, the search for some kind of autonomous application of the Communist International resolutions on national policy, which were binding for the Party, was marked with sharp factional struggles. On the one hand, the faction of Slovak “Communists-Nationalists“ (Slovak: “nacionálni komunisti”), belonging to the radical Left, challenged the concept of cultural autonomy and broad local self-government formulated by the moderate leaders of the Communist Party. On the other hand, it faced the slogan of full political autonomy voiced by the Slovak People's Party in accordance with the Pittsburgh Agreement. The Resolution on the National Question adopted by the 5th Congress of the Communist International held in 1924 eliminated all differences. As a result, the uniform ”revolutionary” solution to the national question was definitely imposed upon the CPC´s policy by the Executive of the Communist International in 1925.

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„Idea w poniewierce”. Pierwszy artykuł polityczny Romana Dmowskiego

„Idea w poniewierce”. Pierwszy artykuł polityczny Romana Dmowskiego

Author(s): Grzegorz Krzywiec / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 53/2008

This is an attempt to examine the intellectual roots of Roman Dmowski, one of the co-founders of National Democracy, the Polish version of integral nationalism. This article investigates the impact of conceptions of fin-de-siecle theories on the whole Polish independence-oriented movements of the second part of XIX Centu¬ry. Multivariate analysis of documents of the epoch demonstrate that anti-materialist, an¬ti-positivist, and anti-liberal sets of ideas, the so-called ‘idealist revolt” mixed with socio darwinism was a fundamental part of the experience of the entire Polish generation of the 1890s. Furthermore, the apparent effect of Social Darvinism on the whole generation - both left and right - was stronger than other factors that scholars have typically stressed before, including positivist ideas, anti-Russian and anti-German sentiments. Such an in¬terpretation in the case of young Dmowski’s world-view puts an emphasis on the crucial role played by anti-socialist beliefs combined with racial theories taken from Western po¬litical traditions. Yet, in Dmowski’s first political writings, in his holistic revision of En¬lightenment tradition in the Polish national discourse, at their centre is radical anti Semi-tism.

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