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Property is a fundamental human right; fundamental prerequisite of the birth and existence of man in time and given space. Regulated property is an important and fundamental factor of human society. All the contents of the society rest on it. The stability and duration of state creation depends on the way of acquisition and regulation of the property. The legitimate ways of acquiring the property are: (1) the creation, (2) purchase, and (3) inheritance. Only these ways allow the stable political system and progress of the economy. Hence, the prerequisite of prosperity and stability of the present Bosnia and Herezegovina is the return of illegitimately acquired property, restitution. The return of illegitimately, with two fingers, taken property shoud be done. There are political forces that support a certificate of ownership that is achieved by force of illegitimate legal provisions. For example, the Party of Democratic Action at the House of Nations in 1998, stopped the passing of the law on restitution in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. If ultimately, the restitution law in the Federation of BaH falls behind one sovereign nation the Croatians are going to experience the final exodus in the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina.None of injustice and discrimination cannot be compared, width and depth, to this. The final ethnic cleansing of the Croatians will be carried out, especially in the capital city of the Federation and BaH. For example, before the World War II there were 27, 85% of Croatians in Sarajevo and they all lived in their own houses and apartments, mostly in flat areas from hotel Europe and the Cathedral (Latinluk) to Marijin dvor. All property in the current Titova Street is predominantly primary the property of Croatians. The assessment value that is made of the taken (nationalized) property of religious communities, religious associations, national cultural organizations and citizens talk about billions of euros relatively, in relation to the share of the total population, the Croatians have the biggest share. Without the restitution the roots will be cut on which return, reconstruction and future could be based.
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The 20th century is behind us, the century in which millions of people were killed in one of the biggest crimes against humanity and international law – crime of genocide. Literally speaking, several people were killed every minute – due to different national, ethnic, racial, religious, political, and ideological reasons, or in other words just because they belonged to a different group as such. These murders were committed in course of implementation of certain political or military agendas, interpreted as something good. The good that leads to a bigger evil.The notion of evil has been for long, in sociology, even in philosophy,at the bottom of any interest. However, the notion itself as well as the entire phenomenon of evil has seen lately its ”renaissance”.Evil, regardless whether expressed largely or not has a huge group of enormous causes. Many theories of evil see infliction of pain as cause, or in other words that the evil is purpose for itself. That is the form of the so-called demonic evil, but this form is not dominant. Demonic sort of evil leads to it that the problem of evil becomes irrelevant for understanding, so that we see ourselves as devils. Evil is not unconditionally devil’s deed, and the proof of this is that majority of executioners are ordinary people, free of any specific sadistic dispositions.In all cases of genocide, they were all crimes against humanity and international law, committed mainly by ordinary people who had no sadistic tendencies. It is also true that these activities attracted a number of individuals who enjoyed in pervert satisfaction to ill-treat others.
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Insulting the victims didn’t stop not even twenty years after by denial of genocide that was proven to have happened. Denial of genocide is not the thing of one individual; it is about very well planned political program, which is clear from the entire process of genocide that was committed. Deniers of genocide against Bosniaks, are both, domestic and regional as well as international actors, who denies genocide systematically and institutionally.Of course in addition of justifying their actions and insulting the victims, a very important segment of the act of denial, is preparing for the new genocide. Every genocide that is committed against Bosniaks is negated.Considering that the crime of genocide is repeating against over Bosniaks more than two centuries, and the science of Bosnia and Herzegovina didn’t clearly and precisely determine cause of this appearance, describe her consequences,it is reasonable to ask a question if this is not a first genocide and the causes of it are not removed, is this supposition that it is not the last one.According to Dr. Gregory H. Stanton genocide is evaluating in eight phases. Dr. Santon in 2012 on these eight phases added two more:discrimination and persecution, but still the last phase of the genocide is denial of it. With this work accent will be put on the last phase, that actually the title itself highlights and there is no need to explain the attitude of order and number of phases. Dr. Santon in 2012 on these eight phases added two more: discrimination and persecution, but still the last phase of the genocide is denial of it. With this work accent will be put on the last phase, that actually the title itself highlights and there is no need to explain the attitude of order and number of phases.
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Crimes against Humanity and International Law in Višegrad Municipality have their historical genesis and constant. Višegrad is, due to its geographical, and strategic location, the capital of Serbian great state ideology, policy and practice, especially because of the proximity of neighboring Serbia and Montenegro. In Višegrad, Chetniks carried out numerous individual and mass crimes, including the crime of genocide as the gravest forms of crimes against humanity and international law. The main hypothesis of the paper is that in the Višegrad area, throughout history, been carried out numerous crimes against humanity and international law against the Bosniak population, including the crime of genocide, all with the goal of creating an ethnically pure Serbian area. Mentioned hypothesis corroborated by numerous and relevant facts chronologically elaborated in the work, as well as the relevant scientific documents and sources, as well as the final court judgment of the ICTY and the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina perpetrators of the crimes. The main goal of this paper is to introduce a wider and narrower social public on the scope, characteristics and scale, as well as the consequences of the crimes committed against Bosniaks in the Višegrad area.
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The subject matter of this research paper is the crime of genocide as the “crime of crimes”, its legal elements and prosecution in Bosnia and Herzegovina before various judicial forums. The author gives an overview of relevant judicial decisions of international judicial bodies such as the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the International Court of Justice, as well as decisions of national courts of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Germany ensued from criminal proceedings instituted against a number of persons and states as the subjects of public law. It is well-known to professional and general public that the international,as well as the national courts of Bosnia and Herzegovina have qualified the atrocities of apocalyptic proportions perpetrated in Srebrenica in July 1995 as the crime - the criminal offence of genocide. However, on the sidelines of international and domestic collective memory has remained the fact that the German courts on the basis of universal jurisdiction have established that the crime of genocide had been committed in other parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina - in Doboj, Kotor Varoš, Osmaci near Zvornik and Foca. Besides, this paper analyzes the constituting legal elements of this crime primarily on the basis of jurisprudence of the international and national courts of the above referred countries, thereby advocating the need for a reinterpretation of certain elements of genocide vis-à-vis the accepted jurisprudence of mentioned courts, and offering the proposals for the novel legal definition of genocide.
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The 20th century is behind us, the century in which millions of people were killed in one of the biggest crimes against humanity and international law – crime of genocide. Literally speaking, several people were killed every minute – due to different national, ethnic, racial, religious, political, and ideological reasons, or in other words just because they belonged to a different group as such. These murders were committed in course of implementation of certain political or military agendas, interpreted as something good. The good that leads to a bigger evil.The notion of evil has been for long, in sociology, even in philosophy,at the bottom of any interest. However, the notion itself as well as the entire phenomenon of evil has seen lately its ”renaissance”.Evil, regardless whether expressed largely or not has a huge group of enormous causes. Many theories of evil see infliction of pain as cause, or in other words that the evil is purpose for itself. That is the form of the so-called demonic evil, but this form is not dominant. Demonic sort of evil leads to it that the problem of evil becomes irrelevant for understanding, so that we see ourselves as devils. Evil is not unconditionally devil’s deed, and the proof of this is that majority of executioners are ordinary people, free of any specific sadistic dispositions.In all cases of genocide, they were all crimes against humanity and international law, committed mainly by ordinary people who had no sadistic tendencies. It is also true that these activities attracted a number of individuals who enjoyed in pervert satisfaction to ill-treat others.
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Nasilje u porodici predstavlja jedan od najgrubljih oblika kršenja ljudskih prava. Prema posljednjem izvještaju Svjetske zdravstvene organizacije (WHO) iz 2013. godine svaka treća žena širom svijeta je žrtva fizičkog ili seksualnog nasilja, a počinioci su najčešće njihovi partneri. Prema podacima Evropskog instituta za ravnopravnost spolova (EIGE) u 9 od 10 slučajeva nasilja u Evropskoj uniji, žene su žrtve nasilja.
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Studija o rasprostranjenosti i karakteristikama nasilja nad ženama u BiH, izrađena na osnovu istraživanja sa uzorkom od 3.300 domaćinstava, ukazuje na to da je svaka četvrta žena bila žrtva nasilja, a svaka deseta je doživjela nasilje u posljednjih godinu dana. Studija ukazuje da je psihičko nasilje najrasprostranjenije, s ukupnom stopom prevalencije od 41,9% tokom života i 10,8 % u posljednjih godinu dana života. Odmah iza psihičkog nasilja, po rasprostranjenosti dolazi fizičko nasilje sa stopom prevalencije na životnom nivou od 24,3%, a tokom posljednjih godinu dana 2,4%.
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Imajući na umu Nacrt o izmjenama i dopunama Zakona o zaštiti od nasilja u porodici Federacije BiH, koji je 1. decembra 2015. usvojen u Predstavničkom domu Parlamenta Federacije BiH, predlažemo sljedeće rješenje za osnivanje, rad i finansiranje sigurnih kuća Federacije BiH.
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The article deals with one exceptionally violent German perpetrator who was part of the occupation force in Warsaw during the Second World War. Inside the Ghetto he maltreated and killed a large number of women, children and men for his own personal pleasure. He did this to such an extensive degree that the population perceived him as monstrous being that was given the nickname „Frankenstein”. The article is mainly based on statements in juridical investigations, from the victim as well as from the perpetrator perspective, supplemented with some selected additional sources. Firstly the source corpus will be evaluated, to work out how these historical sources can be used to shed light on „Frankenstein”. This will be followed by an analysis of the actual identity of this perpetrator. It will be shown that he was, contrary to common belief, not necessarily the SS-Rottenführer Josef Blösche but more likely a member of the German Police Battalion 61. In the end the question will be also raised of how it was possible – despite all rules and regulations – that ghetto guards like him behaved like a marauding soldiery.
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The municipal authorities in Bochnia created in 1941 workshops in the town, in order to employ Jews and produce the goods on request of the German authorities. The manager and chief organizer was Solomon Greiwer. The article is focused on the functioning of workshops, and on their impact on the fate of Jews from the Bochnia ghetto.
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The percentage of victimization of Dutch Jewry during the Shoah is the highest of Western, Central and Southern Europe (except, perhaps of Greece), and close to the Polish one: 75%, more than 104.000 souls. The question of disproportion between the apparent favorable status of the Jews in society – they had acquired emancipation in 1796 - and the disastrous outcome of the Nazi occupation as compared to other countries in general and Western European in particular has haunted Dutch historiography of the Shoah. Who should be blamed for that outcome: the perpetrators, i.e. the Germans, the bystanders, i.e. the Dutch or the victims, i.e. the Dutch Jews? The article first surveys the answers given to this question since the beginnings of Dutch Holocaust historiography in the immediate post-war period until the debates of today and the factors that influenced the shaping of some basic perceptions on “Dutch society and the Jews”. It then proceeds to detailing several facts from the Holocaust period that are essential for an evaluation of gentile attitudes. The article concludes with the observation that – in spite of ongoing debates – the overall picture which has accumulated after decades of research will not essentially being altered. Although the Holocaust was initiated, planned and carried out from Berlin, and although a considerable number of Dutchmen helped and hid Jews and the majority definitely despised the Germans, considerable parts of Dutch society contributed to the disastrous outcome of the Jewish lot in the Netherlands – through a high amount of servility towards the German authorities, through indifference when Jewish fellow-citizens were persecuted, through economically benefiting from the persecution and from the disappearance of Jewish neighbors, and through actual collaboration (stemming from a variety of reasons). Consequently, the picture of the Holocaust in the Netherlands is multi-dimensional, but altogether puzzling and not favorable.
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Potrebno je govoriti o strahu od rata jer je to običan, nesvladiv i ljudski osjećaj koji se odražava, na svim stupnjevima političkih i strateških ljestvica, u ponašanju civila i vojnih lica, muškaraca i žena, političara i poslovnih ljudi, pripadnika viših slojeva i uopće naroda. Strah od smrti zbog neimaštine ili ranjavanja, u osnovi svih ovih strahova sigurno nije racionalan osjećaj, ali svakako predstavlja osnov za sve racionalne političko-ekonomske manipulacije.
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Kako društva mogu savladati krhotine patnje koje vise nad njihovim formalnim pokušajima da “srede” minuli nasilni konflikt? Budući da pokušavam dati prilog nekim moralnim perspektivama našem promišljanju ovog velikog pitanja, osjećam se obaveznim da ponudim izvinjenje lišeno samopouzdanja. Mi koji pišemo naše znanstvene refleksije o patnjama drugih ljudi nismo nužno beskorisni za prevenciju ponavljanja takvih patnji ali imamo obavezu razjasniti od početka da nemamo pravo previdjeti granicu između našeg konfora i njihovog bola bez prethodnog priznavanja naše /?eekspertske pozvanosti da govorimo o toj stvari. Ovdje mudrost i obzir tri čovjeka koji su prišli Jobu sa one strane koja mu je bila pokrivena plikovima, izgleda potpuno ispravan model za sve one po strani koji gledaju na patnje drugih: “Podigli su svoje glasove i zaplakali glasno.” Ali onda: “Sjedili su sa njim na zemlji sedam dana i sedam noći i niko mu nije rekao ni riječ, jer su vidjeli da je njegova patnja bila veoma velika.”
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Namjera osnivača UN bila je ne samo da se buduće generacije zaštite od nemani rata nego i da se svuda u svijetu zaštite osnovna prava čovjeka, čemu je trebalo, uz Povelju UN, da posluže Deklaracija o pravima čovjeka 1948. i Konvencije o genocidu 1951. Danas, nekoliko decenija kasnije, doživjeli smo međutim gorka razočarenja. Prvi veliki ispit na prostoru koji pokriva "zapadni sistem" - služeći se izrazom M.Diveržea - UN nisu položile. Svjetska organizacija je uvjerljivo demonstrirala apsolutnu nemoć da uradi bilo šta efikasno u sprečavanju agresije beogradskog režima na RBiH.
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In this study, it was aimed to reveal the social, economic and political consequences of the operation against match-fixing incidence on July 3, 2011, which created reactions in Turkish football. A legal operation was carried out against Turkish football on July 3, 2011. A lot of administrators, footballers, coaches and managers were arrested with the claim of involving match-fixing and incentive premiums in various football competitions. The news on match-fixing event mostly focused particularly on Fenerbahçe FC and its’ president on the media. At the beginning of the operation, certain parts of the media reported the operation with the title "Clean Football". Clean football was also a necessity for the expression "New Turkey" which has been uttered within many subjects. In the same year, Fenerbahçe FC was disqualified from joining the UEFA Champions League. The incident was brought to UEFA, the CAS, and the Swiss Federal Courts and became an event which was to be solved at an international level. The operation caused losses in the broadcasting incomes of the encrypted channel bearing the broadcast rights and caused damage on the football clubs, particularly on Fenerbahçe FC. Play Off application was put into practice in order to prevent more losses on football capitalism including the clubs, broadcasting channel and the sponsors. Another important outcome of the incidence was the protests of Fenerbahçe fans after the operation held by the police forces and during the trial process. These protests indicated in a peculiar way to Turkey that football is one of the recent rising social identities. The remission in the upper and lower limits of the penalties relating match fixing in sports after July 3 caused some disagreements among the members of the party in power. One of the consequences of the event was that the relationship between football and parallel state structure (FETO) came to the public. Within this context, the Period restarted with a new case. The new case is the one which is still on the trial with the name “match-fixing conspiracy”. The main defendant in this new case is Fethullah Gülen. The match-fixing event continues to be preserved in the recent history of Turkey with its results affecting the present day by being articulated with social, political and economic processes.
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U Osmanskom arhivu Vlade Republike Turske, u fondu Hariciye Nezareti, podfondu Londra Sefareti, u dosijeu broj 40 i u fascikli pod brojem 6 nalaze se dokumenta o nasilnom pokrštavanju 23 muslimanske porodice u vasojevićkoj nahiji, u selima Ržanica, Goražde i Bohodoula?.1 Fascikla sadrži izvještaje na osmansko-turskom jeziku kao i njihovi prevodi na engleskom i francuskom. Pet je dokumenata pisanih arapskim pismom, a osmansko-turskim jezikom. Pismo je osmanska rik’a, mastilo crno, papir je polužut, a manuskript je dobro očuvan.
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Od devetnaestog stoljeća do današnjih dana teče proces iseljavanja muslimanske zajednice Balkanskog poluostrva usljed ekonomskih, političkih i vjerskih razloga2. Danas muslimanske emigrante (muhadžire) možemo naći u Njemačkoj (oko 200 hiljada), Austriji (oko 50 hiljada), Francuskoj (oko 60 hiljada) Švajcarskoj (oko 30 hiljada), Danskoj (oko 20 hiljada), Holandiji (oko 25 hiljada) Norveškoj (oko 12 hiljada), Švedskoj (oko 65 hiljada), Italiji (oko 15 hiljada), Velikoj Britaniji (oko 8.000) i čak u Irskoj i Finskoj (pet stotina)3. Osim toga, u Republici Hrvatskoj, u skladu sa popisom stanovništva iz 1991. godine, živjelo je oko 40 hiljada Bošnjaka. Sličan broj njih živi u Sloveniji4. Bosanska dijaspora je, takođe, jaka izvan Evrope: u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama (oko 300 hiljada), Australija (oko 50 hiljada) i Kanada (oko 300 hiljada). Međutim, najmanje poznata i opisana naučno, je bosanska dijaspora u Turskoj. Danas je izuzetno teško procijeniti koliko bosanskih Muslimana živi u ovoj zemlji.
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War, as the most severe form of social crisis, leads to numerous changes in the personal and social aspects of the lives of individuals who are involved in it. The aim of this research is to determine the role and significance of religiosity for the individual, along with the social behavior of Vukovar’s Catholic population while they managed the war crisis situation (Homeland War in 1991). The research was conducted with the application of qualitative methodology: grounded theory methodology (paradigmatic model of Strauss and Corbin), in-depth interviews (12) and narrative analysis (72 publications from the collection of books about the Homeland War in Vukovar). The results, however, indicate that among the population, which primarily belongs to traditional church religiosity, a special form of personal, beyond the ritual, religiosity occurred, conditioned by the specific circumstances which the people found themselves in Based on the developed substantive grounded theory, it is evident that people primarily practiced an individual personal relationship with a Transcendent being (God), which had a positive role in the population’s confrontation with the new circumstances, thus strongly affecting their personal and social behavior. Practicing such a relationship enabled them to achieve secondary control over their lives, as a substitute for the inability of primary control, thus developing spiritual strength to ease and cope with the social crisis/war situation.
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