Around the bloc: Moldovan Police: Paramilitary Band Planned Uprising
Group allegedly aimed to set up a breakaway territory like those in eastern Ukraine.
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Group allegedly aimed to set up a breakaway territory like those in eastern Ukraine.
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Societies work on relations of power and domination, the political practices and even groups involved in politics are generating violence. Romanian public space was gradually taken over by symbolic violence, an act of power between the political elites and the dominated classes. The symbolic violence expresses its fullest potential during the election campaigns. The speech and the political events during the presidential election campaign in 2014 were predominantly violent. Key actors rather used manipulative techniques instead of generating a real debate of ideas. This article presents the findings of a semantic analysis of the main candidates’ political discourse, highlighting the manifestations of symbolic violence. The analysis will focus on the social representations used by the candidates during the public discourses, meant to seduce voters.
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Three police and a civilian reported killed when two men attacked a police station today.
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The paper analyzes some characteristics of religious violence as one of the most prevalent forms of violence in the modern world. The paper traces the roots of religious violence and sees them in spreading the faith as “combat” religion, that is the religious ideology that does not tolerate others and different, there is no tolerance for diversity and is used as an instrument for the internal homogenization of religious communities. The very special moment in the work is presenting the thesis that the faith and religion are not the same, that they are conflicting facts in the life of human. The faith is simulated, alienated and imposed “objective religiosity,” while religion is internal, unique, indivisible, unexplained mental, emotional and moral strength of man, the individual.
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The subject of this paper is to point to the activities of international organizations, especially the United Nations, and their impact and omissions in the conducted peacekeeping operations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the “safe areas” of Srebrenica and Zepa. Having examined the various documents from the time of the aggression on Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is evident that it was a false protection of human rights, and that the actual protection of the Bosniak people was completely missing thus revealing the actual international interests towards Bosnia and Herzegovina. Although Bosnia and Herzegovina is an internationally recognized state and a member of the United Nations, it was too often involved in violations of the adopted Declaration of the Security Council, especially those pertaining to safe areas such as Srebrenica and Zepa. This paper’s aim is to point out the bias of the international community,especially the UN, in the case of Bosnian Serbs that ultimately led to the unprecedented genocide in the protected zones of the UN. The authentic documents of the Army of the Republic of Srpska are in favor of this fact,which directly suggests taking sides (especially UNPROFOR) in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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In contemporary international law there is almost a universal consensus on the peremptory (ius cogens) character of the norm prohibiting the unilateral use of force, except in self-defence. This prohibition is contained both in the UN Charter, regional documents as well as in international customary law. However, the reality is often different. As a rule, States do not call into question the above-mentioned prohibition on the level of primary norms, but often attempt to introduce exceptions to this prohibition in the form of various secondary norms. This paper deals with some of these attempts directed to the extensive interpretation of self-defence, i.e. Art. 51 of the UN Charter.
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The paper identifies and analyses the acts of electoral violence that occurred during the 2011 parliamentary and 2012 presidential elections in the Russian Federation, and connects them with the practices of modern authoritarian regimes. The analytical tool employed is based on an electoral violence research framework, which provides insight into the negative dynamics of an electoral competition and its outcomes. The authors argue that electoral violence is used to advance the Russian authoritarian regime, which is a modern form of authoritarian rule. By analysing the post-electoral turmoil and the response of authorities to public demonstrations, we depict the regime's ability to adapt its position to maximise outcomes in the political conflict and opportunistically select the best tool to achieve its goals. We further argue that Russia, with its authoritarian tendencies, utilises confrontation dynamics during elections in order to allow the politicisation of various latent conflicts (interest- or value-oriented) that are impossible to solve in the everyday depoliticised routine of the undemocratic system.
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The basic problem of this research is connected with exploring the experiences of peer sexual harassment among elementary school girls and boys (7th and 8th grade). The study also focuses on identifying teachers’ perception of the frequency of several types of peer sexual harassment as well as teachers’ attributions why the girls and the boys are victims of it. The research is carried out in four primary schools – one rural and three urban, on a sample of 187 students and 80 teachers. The data analysis shows that (a) girls are more frequently victims in case of five out of the nine form of sexual harassment (b) boys do not declare to be more frequently victims in any of the harassing behaviors (c) the percent of girls who are repeatedly victims of harassment is considerably higher than the percent of boys with the same experience (d) the majority of sexualлy harassing behaviors are perpetuated by boys more frequently than by girls (е) teachers have adequate picture of the distribution of sexual harassment along gender lines, and (f) according to the teachers, girls are victims because they dress themselves in a provocative way and because their male peers are not aware enough that some kinds of behavior are actually harassing. These conditions clearly suggest that the elementary school girls and the boys are situated quite differently in terms of their experiences with sexual harassment. Taking into account the elementary schools in the country are gender insensitive environment where almost no preventive or intervention actions against sexual violence are taken, girls are clearly more vulnerable to the consequences of sexual harassment.
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The Republic of Macedonia is located before the adoption of a law for the prevention and protection against discrimination. In order to inform the expert and the general public about the proposed legal framework in detail, in the section: Analysis, various numbers of opinions and opinions regarding the Draft-law on Protection against Discrimination are given for this issue by official government officials, so and representatives of civic associations in Macedonia.
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Today, social problems go beyond the boundaries of the area in which they emerge and they go through different social sectors. For these reasons, the solutions for them should be comprehensive, flexible and adapted to the new reality. Adjustment of the current situation, among other things, means multi-sectoral cooperation that in its essence involves tackling the problems through joint and simultaneous action of entities from different sectors. Multi-sectoral cooperation refers to activities that are organized, implemented and attended by entities from different sectors, by sharing responsibility, but also by utilizing their resources and expertise. Although multi-sectoral cooperation is practiced at the local level for the most part, it has the opportunity to apply in a variety of combinations involving central (national) and local authorities, representatives of the private profit and non-profit sector, as well as citizens who live or work in the actual local community. Considering the complexity of the occurrence of juvenile delinquency, that is, children's offending, which according to all scientific knowledge and statistical data, decreases the age limit of children with educational and social problems and perpetrators of crimes, but at the same time the increase in the seriousness of committed criminal acts, the need for systematic, organized and comprehensive social action is imposed. As a result of the above, this paper aims to explain the need for multi-sectoral cooperation in the area of prevention and tackling the problem of child offending, but also to describe the place, role and activities of key actors in this area.
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In October 2017, few days after first instance judgment of the Court of B&H in Orić case, Republika Srpska's Centre for the Investigation of War and War Crimes and the Search for Missing Persons filled an Information to the High Judicial and Prosecutorial Council of B&H about state judges and prosecutors with “suspicious war past”. Fifteen of them were accused for unethical behavior during the war and discriminating against Serbs in war crimes proceedings. Just 12 days after the Information was received, president of the Council, Milan Tegeltija put it on the agenda of the Council meeting with prepared conclusions. Conclusion were formulated in the way to establish a control of bringing indictments for war crimes and war crimes convictions with an aim to achieve ethnically balanced proceedings. That would eventually lead to politicizing war crimes trials. Adopted conclusions were unlawful and pointless. The biggest concern raised the last one, which asked to amend the Law on HJPC which would allow Council to dismiss judge or prosecutor without conducting disciplinary proceedings. Conclusions created internal pressure on the judges and prosecutors to prosecute and judge people based on their ethnicity. Reaction of international & judicial community to the adopted conclusions indicated that they were threatening judicial independence and human rights of judges and prosecutors. After the EU pressure on the president Tegeltija, in November 2017 Council adopted new conclusions. Milan Tegeltija has misused his powers as a president of the Council. Firstly, the Center did not ask the Council to adopt any conclusions. Conclusions were drafted by president Tegeltija himself, without any consultation in or out of the Council. They were shared with members of the Council shortly before the meeting started without giving them time to prepare for debate and working material. Secondly, President Tegeltija was in regular procedure obliged to instruct the Center to deliver its submissions directly to the institutions responsible for the questions raised. Thirdly, there was not his reaction to the Peer Review or European Commission concerns about rising problems in the B&H judiciary. But, he found it needed to react to the Information submitted by the Center which activities are directed towards carrying out the nationalistic campaign.
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The river Drina has been the focal point of Serbian nationalist movement and the proponents of the ideology and politics of a “great Serbia” for more than two centuries. This was proved in history as well as by the number of theoretical and empirical studies. In the continuum of Serbian nationalistic ideology, politics and practice of “great Serbia”, the river Drina has a special place and significance. Thus it was given not only a mythological, but also a symbolic significance that portrays the Drina as a backbone of an entire body of Serbian nation. Strategic aim Serbian nationalistic policy has been “eliminating the river Drina as a border between Serbian lands”.
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In this article the author publishes the recorded oral statements of three witnesses, that is, their memories of the time spent in World War II and the immediate post-war period. Mehmed Avdić from Donja Orahovica (born in 1924) was mobilized into the Ustashas. As a member of the 14th battalion, he headed toward the Austrian border, to Dravograd, where he fell into captivity. He testified about the separation of prisoners in a camp in Maribor, where one group was singled out for liquidation. He was conducted to Varaždin with others in the so-called „death marches“. There he was mobilized into the Partisans (Yugoslav Army), and sent to the battles against the remaining members of the losing Axis forces. Mustafa Duraković from Malešići (born in 1927) was a member of a local unit of the so-called „Zeleni Kadar“, hiding in front of the Partisan attacks. At the end of the war he started to depart while still under Ustasha units. He was captured by the Yugoslav army near Dravograd, and then in the death marches, he was conducted to Bosanski Brod, and the lead from camp to camp. From there he was released home, but he was arrested and taken to the notorious Štok prison in Tuzla, from where he was sent into forced labor. Mustafa Hasičević from Klokotnica (born in 1925) was mobilized into the 13th SS Division Handžar. The division was trained in Germany, after which he returned to Bosnia. In the autumn of 1944, his unit was sent to Hungary, where he fought against the incoming Red Army until the moment when he got seperated from the unit with several soldiers. After that, he returns to his homeland, joining a local unit of the „Zeleni Kadar“. They started to withdraw, but Mustafa's group surrendered to the Partisans somewhere around Bosanski Brod. Mustafa was enlisted into the 23rd Serbian Division, where he remained until the end of the war.
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Са задовољством ће се из овога рада увидети, да су и наши судови почели, од пре неког кратког времена, обраћати пажњу и на кривца, а не само кривицу, као што је то, до модернога доба, на штету правде било.
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The purpose of the article is to discuss military CI and tactical HUMINT as key elements in ensuring the security of the armed forces. The article emphasizes the activities of the military special services whose aim is to counteract terrorist attacks directed against military units taking part in international operations. The present study was prepared on the basis of the available regulations and the materials of the US Department of Defense. The aim of the article is to familiarize the reader with the role and tasks of the military special services, especially those of the CJ2X Cell – Joint Combat Staff for Counterintelligence and HUMINT Operations, which functions in military operations conducted by NATO and the EU. This article discusses the basic similarities and differences between the activities of counterintelligence and those of tactical HUMINT; the cells operating as a part of the CJ2X Cell are also discussed in this context. The author illustrates the theory with examples of both intelligence and counterintelligence operations, carried out as part of modern military operations in the Balkans. Selected terrorist attacks on military targets, such as the one on a part of a housing complex in the city of Khobar in Saudi Arabia or the one on the US Marines barracks in Lebanon, are examined in the context of the activities of both intelligence and counterintelligence. The article includes personal reflections of the author, who worked as the head of the CJ2X Cell of one of the international organizations.
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Although not proved in court, facts explicitly show that genocide against Bosniaks occurred in the period from 1992 to 1995 in Zvornik municipality. The total number of Bosniak killed in the municipality of Zvornik was 1976, of which 1542 were identified, while 434 people were missing. We would like to emphasize that the total number killed in the municipality of Zvornik is the largest number in the area of Bijeli Potok. At the beginning of June 1992, 665 Bosniak civilians were captured and killed in the Bijeli Potok. Of these, 422 were identified and 243 were missing. The majority of Bosniak victims were men, 655 men, while the rest were women. At the time the killed age structure was as follows: 69 were 15 to 20 years old, 150 killed 20 to 30 years old, 180 killed were aged 30 to 40, 121 killed were aged 40 to 50 , while there were 145 of them for 50 or more years. Most of the Bosniak killed were originally from the local community of Đulici, then from the local community of Klisa. Also, a large number of victims lived in Kucic Kula, Tršić, Šetići and Bijelo Potok, or they happened to be there by accident.
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The main scientific problem is contained in the question: What are the threats to the security of Poland caused by Islamic fundamentalists? The answer was given through three complementary issues: 1) presentation of mechanisms creating terrorist attitudes, inspired by religion, 2) presentation of the sources and types of Islamic fundamentalism threats for the security of Poland, 3) a set of recommendations how to counter Islamic fundamentalism. This is a review article. Its aim is a multidimensional analysis of threats inspired by Islamic fundamentalism. An attempt was made to explain why Islamic fundamentalism favors terrorism.
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In this article I describe the phenomenon of the false historical object in Holocaust research by analyzing the three Polish editions of Rutka Laskier’s diary (with particular attention paid to the latest one). I show that a false historical object is a result of the loss of material/physical contact with the historical source and that it attempts to substitute the document. This is why editions of certain novels stylized as personal document literature eagerly imitate the old texts both in the visual layer (the reader is faced with the manuscript’s facsimile, sepia-colored paper, and old photographs) and in the layer of the events presented (in the novel its author does not always specify that it is fiction). This essay also presents the key mistakes made while rewriting Laskier’s diary by its publisher; analyzes the visual and material layer of its third edition (which follows the ‘not a single page without a photograph’ rule) in reference to the rules adopted by the Polish Center for Holocaust Research and the Jewish Historical Institute for editing diaries (particularly those written by adolescent girls); and discusses the conceptions of necroesthetics and necropolitics, derived from new humanities, in the context of the practical aspect of the popularization of the diary, the history of how it was transported, and the interest taken in its author (particularly her appearance). In the part devoted to the conclusions Tomczok wonders why this type of practices is not accompanied with deepened scholarly reflection and why there is a marked quantitative and qualitative difference between the scholarly editions of Laskier’s diary and those addressed to the general audience.
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Boko Haram is a jihadist Salafisect which was formed around 2002 in northeastern Nigeria. Since 2010 the sect has rapidly expanded not only its missionary activity but has also brutally attacked Nigerian authorities as well as Christians. Boko Haram is often called the “African (Nigerian) Talibans” because its members insist on an implementation of the Sharia Law all over the country and reject everything which is related to the European culture (democracy, Darwin’s theory, the way of education). As a lot of Muslims perceive the sect as the best solution for Nigerian poverty, the lack of opportunities and incompetent governments, Boko Haram is gaining more and more popularity. There are increasing speculations that Boko Haram is already a serious threat not only in the local or Nigerian dimension but also in the international area because of its alleged links with AlQaeda extremists and al-Shebaab.
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