Koncepcja ideowo-artystyczna zdjęć do filmu Tam i z powrotem. Opis autorski
The ideological and artistic concept of photography for the movie Back and Toll. Author's description
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The ideological and artistic concept of photography for the movie Back and Toll. Author's description
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This paper reports on a health literacy study that explored adolescents’ conceptualizations of health information appraisal as a social practice in Latvia. The study was guided by phenomenography, a qualitative research approach used to describe people’s conceptions of a particular phenomenon. A purposive, maximum variation sampling was used, and 24 adolescents were recruited to take part in the study, ranging from 13 to 16 year-olds. Semi-structured interviews were undertaken for data collection. A phenomenographic method for data analysis was performed using the guidelines proved by Sandberg. The data analysis presented seven categories of description and an outcome space representing the adolescents’ qualitatively different conceptions of health information appraisal. The implications for health education in school are discussed.
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Political socialization is a concept that includes the processes of learning the knowledge, values and attitudes of the new generations that contribute to the support of the political system and their inclusion in the political culture. In the process of political socialization, especially family, peers and mass media, play an essential role. In this study, a 10-item Political Socialization Scale (PSS) consisting of questions about the actors effective in political socialization, was developed. The sample of this study was composed of 393 students, 266 (67.7%) female and 127 (32.3%) male students. The age range of the participants varies in between 18-40 years old (M.age = 21.52, SD = 2.58). In the scope of validity tests, the scale was reduced to three factors through exploratory factor analysis. the three-factor structure was tested by confirmatory factor analysis and the resulting model demonstrated produced significant goodness of fit statistics Item-test correlations and Cronbach’s alpha coefficients are calculated for reliability studies. Furthermore, to test the criterion-related validity the Basic Personality Traits Inventory developed by Gençöz and Öncül (2012) was used. Findings obtained at the end of the analysis revealed that the Turkish version of the PSS is a valid and reliable tool that has been demonstrated empirically.
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The question of how the political parties and political leaders are perceived by the voters has been one of the prominent fields of political marketing. Recently, brain-imaging technologies have increasingly been used for the marketing research due to their higher level of measurability and objectiveness. The main aim of the current study is to dissociate the voters’ perception by means of practical neuroimaging technologies with regards to their expected tendencies. Thus, an optic neuroimaging method (fNIRS) has been used in the current study because of its practicality and reliability in the literature. Thirty actively working party assembly members (30 Males, M: 34.76) from the top two parties of Turkey according to 2011 elections have been invited to participate in the study on a voluntary basis. These participants were exposed to the slides consisting of a political party leader and an adjective and they were asked to respond in a 3-Likert scale depending on their position. The participants were selected to be from opposite political parties to observe a potential contrast effect. The obtained physiological data has been analyzed with respect to expected positions of the participants and their behavioral measures were not included in the analyses. The results indicate that there are 5 channels (V1, V5, V7, V9, V11) demonstrating the contrast effect at a statistically significant level. The findings of this exploratory empirical study are important in terms of developing and applying new methods both in political marketing specifically and in marketing research more generally.
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The state of development of modern society can be described as a systemic social crisis. The state of crisis as an integral element of social development becomes familiar to the philosophy and ideology of postmodernism, which allows not only a plurality of views, but also a variety of solutions. In any destructive phenomenon caused by the crisis, the crisis itself can become a necessary moment of the dialectical transition to a new, orderly state of the system, a necessary factor and catalyst for modernization processes. Crisis-free state of development of society - a state that hinders its development. However, while recognizing the important role of crises in development, societies should still have mechanisms in place to protect people from their negative impacts, which should reduce their risks of transition and, by anticipating development trends, possibly reduce the transition process itself. Analyzing the tendency of modern society to sustainable development, it is necessary to clarify that the solution of such a problem should actually be carried out by various actors, civil society associations, research institutions, etc. However, the main part of this task depends on the political power, the main functions of which include ensuring stable development and security in society, as well as the management of society as a whole and its economic, spiritual, political and social spheres in particular. At the same time, political power must not just resolve conflicts and ensure order in society, but, most importantly, find a balance between the common good and the changing aspirations of different social groups to pursue their interests. Thus, the task of overcoming the current crisis depends primarily on the responsibility of political power, especially the state. It is the state that must accumulate all resources and coordinate the actions of business, science, religion, etc. for its effective solution.
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The level of identification of the fans with their team and their perceptions of the team image are essential in order to understand the position of the team in the eyes of the fans. In this direction, this study was conducted to determine the level of identification of Sakaryaspor fans with their team and to reveal their perceptions of team image. The study was designed as a quantitative cross sectional study. The study sample consisted of 300 Sakaryaspor Fans. The Sports Fan Identification Scale developed by Wann and Branscombe (1993) and adapted to Turkish by Günay and Tiryaki (2003), and the Club Image Scale developed by Jung (2012) and adapted into Turkish by Sönmezoğlu, Çoknaz and Polat (2016) were used as data collection tools in the research. Besides, 10 item quastionnaire prepared by the researchers were added to the data collection tool to identify the demographic information of the participants. The data were collected via Google Forms due to the pandemic. SPSS 25.0 was used in the analysis of the data. Independent Samples T Test and Anova were used in the analysis as the data showed normal distribution. Post hoc tests were used to determine the source of the difference. Besides, Pearson Correlation test was used to investigate the relationship between the level of identification with the team and the perception towards team image. As a result of the research, it was seen that Sakaryaspor fans' level of identification with the team and their perceptions of the team image were at a moderate level. Moderate level positive (r=.532) and significant relationship (p<0.5) was found between Sakaryaspor fans' perceptions of the team image and their level of identification with the team. It was observed that the level of identification with the team and the perception of the team image of the fans who went to home matches and who went to away matches and who were the members of their team's fan group or who had a high number of watching seasonal matches were higher than the other participants.
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In our age, new media provides the opportunity to reach much wider masses and segments in proportion to traditional media tools and equipment. Thanks to this opportunity, the dijital, which is accepted as the most important invention of the new media understanding, is used for many different purposes such as politics, entertainment, communication, commerce and education. Recently, the dijital has been used extensively for political communication, especially by political parties in terms of political election campaigns and initiatives. The dijital environment appears as an important medium that enables political parties and groups to meet and communicate with their stakeholders. For this reason, the communication work of political parties on the dijital should continue in a stable and determined manner in the process other than the election campaigns. Here, it is aimed to reveal how politically effective the political participation and communication processes of political parties and groups are with the opportunities provided by the new media patterned dijital. Within the framework of the study, the conceptual structure of political communication and the new media patterned dijital process were examined, and the purposeful status of their use by political parties was tried to be explained.
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Critical Thinking is a sum of abilities that are more and more required today in this world of disinformation. Critical Thinking even started to become a philosophy of life where people must carefully evaluate the information they encounter. However, this statement of „think critically” has started to be used by entities who promote false theories, fake news and unsound arguments. For example, the motto of the controversed news outlet Russia Today is „Question more”. Another example is that on the social network of Instagram, the hashtag #criticalthinking is used in posts that promote the theory of the flat earth, that promote antivaxxing movement and so on. If we are to be put in an average person’s shoes, how would we know which critical thinking is the right one? How would we know who to believe? This paper’s aim is to emphasize the importance of critical thinking standards and criteria and to analyse them in order to make the difference between a proper use of this statement and an abusive and alleged one.
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This essay considers how technologically based cultural transformations impact the shaping of individual and collective identities, including “digital identities.” The extension of the human cognitive system by means of the Internet and digital artefacts has produced the potential to shape multidimensional and dynamic identities (e.g., in the form of “communities” created ad hoc on the web), as well as artificial-intelligence “identity” processes accompanying commercial applications. In the context of these processes, the author discusses how the attitudes of “predatory” Internet users are formed, the problems of the victims of such activities, and the potential threats in relation to the development of AI. The author uses an interdisciplinary theoretical approach (sociology, psychology, research on AI) to analyse these phenomena. The research material consists of the content of media messages (including films and documentary series, Internet journalism on online behaviour and texts popularising AI, and content posted on social media).
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Political regimes in the former Soviet republics have evolved towards authoritarianism and vice versa. Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, and Ukraine became democratic; later – Georgia and Moldova; Azerbaijan and Armenia are semi-authoritarian; Russia, Belarus, and Kyrgyzstan are authoritarian; Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan became neo-totalitarian, with Kazakhstan and Tajikistan following them. In this article the author will try to answer the questions as to whether the main form of manifestation of nationalist contradictions in the republics of the former USSR is political confrontation, and if nationalist tendencies increase with the growth of authoritarian tendencies. The study found that there are fewer ethno-nationalist conflicts in Central Asian countries than in their more “democratic” neighbours; conflicts in autocracies are more likely to occur within the ethnic majority.
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While lack of control is one plausible explanation for conspiracy beliefs, the experimental evidence is mixed. We present two naturalistic studies that offer some limited support for the control hypothesis. In the first, Macedonians living in (North) Macedonia (N = 116) completed a conspiracy ideation scale immediately after a national referendum on the country’s name change from “Macedonia” to “North Macedonia,” and one year after. The opposition, whose control was lowered after the name change, increased their conspiracy beliefs, but supporters did not. Study 2, conducted with Americans (N = 266) in the wake of a series of devastating tornadoes, replicated and expanded the first study: the effects were evident only for the threatening event-related conspiracy beliefs. These studies suggest a possible link between lack of control and conspiracy beliefs in the real world.
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In the present study, we explored the mediating effects of depression from COVID-19 (DEPCOVID) and self-esteem (S-EST) on the relationship between fear of COVID-19 (F-COVID) and future career anxiety (C-ANX) in high-school and university students (N = 470, M = 20.17, SD = 2.02, 63.04% females). We were interested in exploring these relationships in both the overall sample and high school students and university students, separately. Our findings suggested that DEP-COVID partially mediated the relationship between F-COVID and C-ANX in both groups (i.e., high-school and university students). Self-esteem was not significantly correlated to our primary variables in high-school students. In university students, as well as the overall sample, results suggested the partially mediating role of S-EST on the relationship between fear of COVID-19 and C-ANX. We discuss our findings concerning the practices that may foster students’ career development in turbulent times and consider possible interventions for these specific groups following the COVID-19 pandemic.
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It's considered obligation to show the realistic and appropriate position of the media today, through their characteristics, strength, power, all the way to the distinctive range of relationships in which they find themselves. The key question as a guide in this sense is - what the media really are, and what is their connection with the authorities (politics), how strong is the link between the media and the authorities, and in the end what are the advantages/benefits, and what harms this bond between them produces for both sides. Then it's important to analyze the connection between these occurrences, which are undeniably intertwined with the media and the authorities, and their employees (on both sides), and what can be consistently supported by a couple of examples, which are today a handful of global diversity, as well as within local and regional centers. It's also important to touch on the inevitable topic of the market, the role of the media in the market and the opportunities it provides to both – the media and those who uses it. Important is the industrial culture as a reflection of media content, thanks to which today we have a lot of offers, demand and choices (something like a buffet – something for everyone), which has developed under the influence of the media and is successfully developing every day, reform and expand. It's necessary to reiterate the indisputable facts that unequivocally indicate that the media, in their absolute power, are trying to be used to their full capacity. But with certainty, it can be said, there are few who notice how much it affects each person individually in a negative connotative sense, but also human communities around the world, by changing, distorting, transforming, blurring social values. On the other hand, due to their extremely great power and potential, the media are desirable to almost everyone, and certainly most to the political elites.
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The whole of human history could be divided into two periods: the one when most people are formally deprived of the right to think and decide, as the first, or when people are allowed to "think" and "decide" within predetermined frameworks, as the second period. Today, in a time of formal democracy, people only seem to rule over the society of which they are members. The presence of democracy seems to be a mere framework in which, nominally, human freedom is proclaimed, which, once a monarchist "right", is today taken away by sophisticated methods of informatization and mediatization of human reality. It is a time of mediacracy, i.e. rule through the media, which are one of the basic means of controlling human behavior and emptying politics of the political in it. Politics is no longer an idea, but a product, and leaders are no longer leaders of nations, but corporate puppets. In such a game, politically active members of society become the object of manipulation by influencing their attitudes and decisions. That power belongs to the people is a constitutional principle that neoliberalism and mediacracy can disavow.
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By placing two key narratives about the origin and the implications of Covid-19 in the global context, the author analyzes their media representations in Serbia in order to highlight their potential correlation with widely understood authoritarianism. Conspiracy theories in Serbia are present in several interrelated and interdependent forms: 1. Theory of experimental totalitarianism; 2. Economic-political conspiracy; 3. Theory of the Third World War/New Order. Tensions and conflicts between the proponents of the official and unofficial versions of pandemic are visible, mostly on social media, and resemble other forms of filtering and dosing aggression against labeled enemies. In the moments of social crisis this becomes one of the basic characteristics of the authoritarian structure of personality. “Enemies” are stigmatized by various formulations, from “the masters of the new order”, to “the servants of the world pharmacomaphy.” Therefore, the aim of this paper is to make an overwiew of the most common conspiracy theories about Covid 19 in Serbia and to analyze them in the frames of theories that emphasize the importance of dogma within the authoritarian personality structure.
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The country-wide uprisings of the winter and spring of 1920–1921 still lack a coherent explanation and require further reflection. This article reconstructs events of this period in one of the most “quiet” territories of Soviet Russia, the Arkhangelsk province, using political summaries and secret reports, as well as investigative files and later memoirs. It was understood, both locally and centrally, that peasants were eager to follow the “successful example” of mass resistance to the authorities. The aim of the state was not only to use punitive measures to prevent mass protests and to minimize the influence of “irritants”, but above all to disrupt the distribution of undesirable information. The use of a large number of informers recruited from various sections of society allowed competent authorities to have an overview of what was happening in the country and to respond promptly to any potential unrest. Secret information, including that received from foreign sources, forced local authorities to prepare in advance for possible events in the provincial center, and to make efforts to prevent possible peasant revolts in bordering territories in the north of Western Siberia and in the Velsk uyezd and Vologda province. The actions of local authorities were on the whole successful; unrest in the Arkhangelsk province was avoided. However, the sense of danger that persisted as a result of these events, despite the end of the Civil War, contributed to a social mistrust that lasted for many years.
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The viewing of South Korean-produced visual media, whose dissemination in North Korea continues since the 1990s, appears to be irreversible, even in the era of the COVID-19 pandemic. In particular, North Korean youth, called either the generation of Jangmadang or Yellow Wave, have gone beyond possessors who enjoy South Korean visual media on their own, and have become prime movers of sharing and selling it through black markets. In the series of flows, the North Korean regime is setting its sights on them. In other words, from the end of last year, the North Korean regime has enacted laws targeting the spread of South Korean visual medias and reorganized the Workers’ Party of North Korea, and crackdown, surveillance and punishment based on these have been implemented more intensely. In addition, there have been widely shared anti-Korean Wave propaganda videos in North Korea, and speeches, wherein the leader Kim Jong-un named Korean Wave a “malignant cancer” in a very unusual way. Furthermore, the North Korean regime has made a series of strongpoints to halt the penetration of the Korean Wave, or capitalist ideology, in their view, by doubly taking advantage of blocking movement between regions inside North Korea, as well as along the border with neighbouring China since last year to cut off the spread of COVID-19. This study examines the trends of the spread of the Korean Wave, focussing on youth in North Korea in the era of the pandemic. To that end, this study analyses the last two years of anti-Korean-Wave laws in North Korea, propaganda videos, Kim Jong-un’s discourses, South Korean and international publications, and interview video clips with North Korean settlers in South Korea. In doing so, this study sheds light on the recent phase of oppositional subcultures against the regime during the pandemic. In conclusion, this study discusses the reversibility and irreversibility of the South Korean Wave as a subculture of youth, passing through the crackdown measures during the pandemic.
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There were three waves of fake news in the last decade, the first one being developed during the crisis in Ukraine, the refugees, Brexit and the US presidential elections. The coronavirus pandemic was doubled by a second wave, and now the war in Ukraine is doubled by an information war, which is the third wave of fake news, part of hybrid warfare. The false narratives of these waves have been adapted, and the disinformation is disguised so as to appear to be about local issues and concerns. Because of the propagation of local narratives, it is difficult to demonstrate the causal links between the primary source (the Kremlin) and the target state (Romania) through classical techniques of dismantling false news. However, the analysis of the morphology of local narratives and the idiolect of disinformation, of the domestic sources and the channels of propagation can highlight relations of subordination to the primary narratives generated by Moscow. Some primary, secondary and endemic narratives, together with the related topics of public debate that they try to validate are exemplified in the article.
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Until the invasion of Ukraine by Russia, the Russian government press and high-ranking politicians in Moscow participated in the distribution of disinformation and fake news stories, which prepared informally and mentally the aggression, called by the Kremlin a „special operation”. The study is based on weekly analyzes of the Russian-language press in Russia, Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova and Belarus, conducted between December 2020 and February 2022. It is worth mentioning the double role of false narratives distributed by the pro-Kremlin press during this period. The purpose of the disinformation was to change the perceptions of Ukrainians regarding relations with the EU and with NATO, based on sowing nostalgia for friendly relations with Russia. On the other hand, a lot of disinformation and fake news were addressed directly to the Russian public. The Kremlin continues to fund information campaigns to justify its actions against neighbouring states. A series of false narratives aimed to exonerate Russia over the Donbass conflict and the killing of civilians. Unfortunately, both European and Euro-Atlantic security strategies have so far not provided clear answers to some new phenomena such as hybrid warfare, the process of hybridization of socio-political life, the asymmetry between information attack and defence.
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The paper analyses the economic impact that the war in Ukraine has on the Romanian economy and the way citizens have acted when faced with a high rise in product prices. By exploring people’s behaviour, the essay finds that people did not only exhibit normally expected reactions, such as decreasing private consumption, but their actions were influenced by the ample spread of fake news and led to mass panic, queuing and buying large quantities of certain products which were erroneously believed to experience a sudden and sharp increase in price. The paper then examines potential aspects explaining why Romanians become victims of price-related disinformation, such as historical aspects, past experiences, their media diet, low trust in institutions, and the malign narratives circulating in Romania’s informational space.
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