Populární kultura jako ošemetný indikátor
Recenze na knižní studii Přemysla Houdy Intelektuální protest, nebo masová zábava? Folk jako společenský fenomén v době tzv. normalizace (Academia: Praha, 2014)
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Recenze na knižní studii Přemysla Houdy Intelektuální protest, nebo masová zábava? Folk jako společenský fenomén v době tzv. normalizace (Academia: Praha, 2014)
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The contestations arising from the introduction in various European countries of mandatory vaccination against Covid-19 for certain categories of workers are expressions of a profound malaise, not new and common to Western societies. Misinformation about vaccines is not a new phenomenon, but has been heightened due to the rise of social media, clearly evident during the Covid-19 emergency. These conflicts have a significant social impact and can hinder the struggle against the spread of the virus. This work analyses the origins and legal implications of this growing social mistrust in science, which jeopardises the stability of the constitutional order, founded on the principles of trust and solidarity.
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The workers’ movement of Bosnia and Herzegovina was born and began to develop at the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries in the specific socio-political and socio-economic conditions. The inevitability of the historical development of this country imposed at the same time a struggle for national liberation from foreign powers, plus the struggle for the liquidation of the feudal agrarian system of serfdom, plus a struggle for social justice. The workers’ movement was involved in the activities concerning these enormous social problems proportionately to its strength and degree of organization, but, at the same time, relative to the internal political conditions and the influences of the international workers' movement. The people of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1878, after a series of uprisings and rebellions, suffered the historical fate of being simply handed over from one outside ruler to another. This change took place without any radical changes in social relationships. The semi-feudal relationships, which had been left behind by the Turkish Empire, simply associated with the modern capitalist system of colonial rule by the Austro-Hungarian monarchy which subordinated to its own interests the economic strength of the people and the development of their political life. The relative economic prosperity had barely affected the Bosnian and Herzegovinian social structure of the Turkish period. Even on the eve of the World War I, more than 650,000 people were attached to certain serf-relationships, and more than 86V0 of the population lived off the over¬ -extended and very backward agriculture. This state of affairs had an influence on all forms of socio-political life, and on the development of the workers’ movement as well. The Austro-Hungarian government exploited the internal national and religious divisions which existed and which supported certain domestic political forces and clericalism as well, all of which in combination formed a united front to oppose the workers’ movement. In such socio-political and economic conditions, which made Bosnia and Herzegovina backwards in relation to other European and Balkan countries, the workers’ movement was created and began to develop. From the first workers’ drives, at the beginning of the 90’s of the last century, through the founding of the first supporting workers’ societies, until the creation of a united sindicate organization, all the activities of organized labor were aimed at providing for the most fundamental conditions for survival. In these activities the most notable persons were workers from other regions of the Austro¬ -Hungarian empire. The founding of the Executive Workers’ Council on August 27, 1905, meant a great step forward in the creation of a modern workers' movement. Although the rules of the Council, in accordance with the requirements of the state, stated that it was »without political significance«, it became an organized base for political work and for the creation of political organization of workers. A general strike of the workers of Bosnia and Herzegovina in May of 1906, represented, at the same time, an end of the sindicate phase and beginning of the political organization of the workers. Only with the atmosphere created by this strike was it posibble to take more daring steps in the creation of the Social-Democratic Party of Bosnia and Herzegovina The fouding congress for this Party, held the 28th and 29th of June, 1909 in Sarajevo, signified the completion of the process of making organized labor in this country an established economic, social and political factor; thus the formation of the modern Bosnian and Herzegovinian workers’ movement was completed. This movement was constituted on the ideals and political concepts and positions of the Second International, i. e. on the examples of its sections represented by the Social Democratic parties of Germany, Austria, Serbia, Croatia, and Slavonia. The Social Democratic party of Bosnia and Herzegovina stood for the ending of feudal relationships and against colonial exploitation, and for »the introduction of a socialist society in place of the capitalist one«, but it accepted »legitimate rigths« and parlamentarianism as the methods for striving towards these goals. Accepting self-determination and self-government of the people »in the state, regional, and local organizations« the party regarded all Yogoslav nationalities as »one united people«. The period of development of the workers’ movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina until 1909 was characterized by the fact that the working class underwent organization according to the principles of the modern sindicate movement of Central European countries and that, following this example, it was quickly politically organized. The movement was primarily concerned with economic and social struggles, but the political conditions in the country under foreign rule necessarily led to the inclusion of a significant element of political activities in their struggle. They followed various examples within the frame of the Second Internationale in their ideological and political work, due to a feeling of lack of ideological maturity, political decisiveness, and their own ideas for the strategic problems of the working class struggle. But in spite of all this, there was evidence of an original and individual orientation which reflected recognition of the conditions for all significant questions of socio political life in Bosnia + Herzegovina.
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The author brings out some more significant characteristics of the National Liberation Movement (NLM) in Slavonski Brod in the period 1941-1945. The major organizer and the leader of the National Liberation Struggle (NLS) against the occupier and its Quislihgs was the organization of Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY), with the abundant revolutionary tradition and a solid stronghold among the working class and the young people.
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By using a theoretical approach to the critique of surveillance capitalism, and by drawing on public discourse sources on facial recognition (FR) technology, this paper analyzes visual surveillance in contemporary societies. Currently, there are both numerous instances of a sudden development of FR capabilities on a global scale as well as efforts to prevent the development of what is called the “most dangerous technology.” This paper also questions the techno-solutionism that enables “perfect” mathematical human cognition. Overall, the paper sheds light on the global disagreement on the regulatory environment for FR technology, with different countries, states, or big cities treating biometric data protection differently. There is also a confluence of predicaments and legal concerns in the public sphere regarding FR. Nevertheless, it is possible to outline the typical narratives that emerge in media discourses, highlighted in this paper using three different examples. These are (1) concerns about human rights and privacy (the US case), (2) a “soft” indecisiveness about promoting unfettered innovation on the one hand, and preventing human rights abuses on the other (the EU case), and (3) the fear of digital data being collected by a hostile authoritarian state, namely China (the Lithuanian case).
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This paper analyses the correlation between political activism, political participation, and certain value orientations, as crucial parts of modern governance in society today. A sample of the survey were members of the ruling and opposition parties, who were structured by age, place of residence, political affiliation, and role in local parliaments in six cities in Serbia. Results show a mixture of pre-modern (traditional), modern, and postmodern values, with traditional values still being viable, which could be one of the factors that significantly reduces the process of social transition. Socio-demographic variables and value orientations (autocratic-democratic, traditional-modern), along with the aspects of political culture, determine political behaviour to a large extent. The model of political activism, on which the study is based, is the model of socio-economic status. The results of the research suggest that a new, enhanced model should be proposed, entitled socio-cultural model of political activism.
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Using the ethno-methodological theoretical paradigm and the historical method, the author comes to the conclusion that culture, politics and the artistic atmosphere that enriches space form an indivisible structure of events and phenomenological perception of the culture of resistance in modern society. The culture of civil resistance present in art is inseparable from political movements and opposition to repression. Political protests have also become a form of performance that the author seeks to observe from a broader context of street culture in the theoretical perception of the epistemology of space. This way, the tendency and ability to see the meaning and spirit of various manifestations is allowed to come forth. Socio-cultural preconceptions of various art forms and manifestations as well as their historical, political, and ideological conditioning in the global environment and (post) globalism are all explored. As the main research subject, the author takes caricature and art of aphorism, perceived as traditional forms of resistance, and performance, due to its visual and expressionist-based message as a relatively new artistic practice and a more effective form of civil resistance. By determining the meaning of phenomena using linguistic and visual representations, the author notices the political nature of their expression. In this paper, the author strives to break the ‘modern dogma’ by which politics and art are in an inherent conflicting relationship. Therefore, the basic thesis of the text is the author’s effort to bring the goals of politics and art conceptually closer through the basic proclamation of human freedom. The foundation of freedom and creative choice constitute their common and fundamental value. Performance establishes a rational compromise in which the government and opposition groups believe in the democratic potential of their role, pacifying the space in the new circumstances. Ideological fervor and propaganda goals make an unfortunately thin line between the cultured and the uncultured.
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According to data of UNESCO, in 2013, Latgalian language with 150,000 users was recognised as one of the world’s endangered and vulnerable languages, as all generations still use the oral form, but the sustainability of the language is seriously jeopardised, since the number of young language users decreases. Pursuant to the EU directives and recommendations for preservation, research and development of regional and endangered languages, as well as the Guidelines for the State Language Policy 2021–2027 regarding development, disclosure on the web and accessibility of varied text corpus, in 2020, a group of researchers of the Rēzekne Academy of Technologies in the Project of State Research Programme Digital Resources of Humanities: Integration and Development (No. VPP-IZM-DH-2020/1-0001) started its work on the development of the Contemporary Latgalian Speech Corpus (MuLaR) aimed at the documentation, research, studies and acquisition of Latgalian. The aim of the article is to identify and analyse the issues that are important in the process of creating MuLaR, applying the referential analysis of the scientific literature and comparative methodology. In turn, applying the analytical-synthetic method and based on the experience accumulated by the corpus creators, there was developed an initial model for the corpus architectonics and technological solutions, covering such issues as ensuring a representative Latgalian speech corpus, bearing in mind the territorial distribution of Latgalian language communities and diversity of Latgalian patois; the most appropriate methods to document natural, spontaneous language: collection of new data, opportunities to use the existing recordings (interviews, TV, radio broadcasts, field research data collections), other databases (reiti.rta.lv); understanding metadata; ethical aspects of the speech corpus; transcribing (software, conventions to reveal the features of spoken text as accurately as possible); creation of an accessible, easy-to-use open-access platform, using the experience of creating oral speech corpuses for lesser-used languages / dialects in other countries. The article declares the main challenges for the corpus development after the initial validation of the corpus data, including in relation to the morphological tagging possibilities of the corpus.
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Review of: Eliot Borenstein. Pussy Riot: Speaking Punk to Power. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2021. 135 pp. ISBN 9781350113534.
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The Euro crisis in 2009 and then the influx of refugees to the European borders in 2015 cause economic and security concerns in the European society. The serious problems created by the crises in the social and economic fields also affect the political field. Confidence in the ruling neo-liberal centrist parties decreases among the voters who turn to new political pursuits. Turning the negative atmosphere that creates discomfort on the European society into an opportunity, the far-right parties significantly increase the public support with the populist rhetoric they build on ethnic, cultural and religious affiliations. The far-right parties, which follow an effective political communication strategy in order to make their ideology and policies visible to the public, have an impact on voter behavior with the propaganda posters they use in their election campaigns. In developed Western European countries where the political poster culture is vigorously maintained, especially in Germany with the largest immigrant population, the ethnic and cultural minorities, whose number is increasing day by day in the country with the mass migration, become the main argument of far-right populist propaganda. When evaluated in this context, the propaganda posters used by the "Alternative Party for Germany (AfD)", one of Germany's leading far-right parties, draw attention. Developing an anti-foreign and anti-immigrant discourse through the representations of 'women' on election posters, the AfD emphasizes the German identity and culture. It strengthens its own ideological discourse by making ethnic, religious and cultural discrimination over women. This study deals with the propaganda posters selected with the purposeful sampling model in terms of graphic form and content, focusing on the ideological discourse built on the "image of woman", which the Alternative Party for Germany frequently resorts to in election posters.
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The growing body of research on the role of fatalism on the psychology of various health-related behaviors has witnessed various conceptualization and assessment efforts. The importance of the topic for its implications for behavioral change necessitates the need for better conceptualization and measurement of fatalism. The present study aimed to develop a reliable and valid self-report measure in Turkish for assessing lay beliefs about general fatalism (GFAT) in a predominantly Muslim and collectivistic culture. To this end, a scale development study was conducted 361 adult participants (Mage = 32.49, SDage = 12.97) recruited via snowball sampling in social media platforms. The exploratory factor analyses conducted on the 62 GFAT items revealed a seven-factor structure with 58 items, explaining 59.89% of the total variance. The obtained multi-dimensional factor structure was represented with destiny, functionality, helplessness, uncontrollability, valuation, luck, and submission subscales. The Cronbach’s alpha coefficients of the GFAT subscales ranged between .74 and .95, demonstrating the internal consistency of the scale. The meaningful and significant correlations of the subscales with external control orientation, just world belief, and religiosity measures evidenced the construct validity of the scale. Overall, findings demonstrate that the GFAT Scale is a reliable and valid self-report measure for assessing individual differences in lay beliefs about fatalism. The developed scale can be used to measure the multifaceted construct of fatalism in future studies aimed at understanding its influence on the psychology of behavioral change, with implications for increasing the functioning of individuals and communities with respect to social and practical problems.
More...Analiza psychospołecznych i kulturowych reakcji Afrykanów na epidemie eboli i pandemię koronawirusa
The aim of the article is to present the psychosocial and cultural responses of Africans to the Ebola epidemic in 2014–2016 and the coronavirus pandemic, which was announced in 2020 and has lasted until today, as well as to show the collision – at the level of practices, senses, and images – of religiosity with the scientifically motivated fight against these epidemic threats. The first part of the article reconstructs the “sociology of knowledge” about viruses in African societies. The importance of conspiracy theories about the sources of disease, the indolence of governments in making citizens aware of the scale of threats, and the role of expert systems in shaping the perception of infectious diseases, are shown. Then, the African perception of Western medicine, including vaccination programmes, is discussed. The second part of the article presents the evolution of African customs during plagues, including funeral customs and religious practices. Selected mechanisms of domestication of plagues are discussed: the construction of the figure of a scapegoat, and contemporary forms of the dance of death. Selected political and economic phenomena, questions of faith, the clash of tradition and modernity, and – as the German phenomenologist Dietrich von Hildebrand wrote – the metaphysics of the community, form the context of the analysis.
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Mass media, by their way of operation, have a widespread audience that is not spatially limited to a certain community. Therefore, the news distributed through the mass media is essentially content from the country, the region and the world. The development of online media has brought a new determinant, which is the possibility of interactivity and faster distribution of information and content. In this way, online media became the most frequently used media for information, but also for propagating ideas, attitudes, goals, whether it is political, individual, business or some other. Media manipulation is a common phenomena in today’s media, by which certain journalists or newsrooms or the powerful people behind them want to influence public opinion for various reasons. The goal of this paper is to show, based on the analysis of media content, how the media works if they want to achieve a large number of clicks and influence public attitudes, using real examples. Through content analysis, we will show media manipulation on web portals and television. The paper is based on the hypothesis that the media publish content whose sole aim is to provoke a reaction, i.e. to attract clicks, but also to influence the awareness of the recipients.
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The aim of the article is to take a broader look at the current sit- uation related to the implementation of 5G technology in Poland from a so- cial perspective. The analysis was conducted in a broader context – Poles’attitudes towards science and technology as well as their knowledge aboutmodern technologies. In addition to an analysis of the literature on the sub- ject, the article will present the results of two parallel studies conducted usingthree research methods: the focus method, in-depth expert interviews anda questionnaire conducted on the basis of direct interviews at respondents’homes. The article reflects on, inter alia, questions about the attitudes of Polesto the development of science and technology, in particular to 5G technolo- gy, and whether the development of modern technologies is a cause of socialanxiety among Poles. Research on the social perception of the 5G networkin Poland shows that Poles are not familiar with 5G technology. Their ignorance results from poorly conducted technological education, insufficientpublic information provided by state authorities, public distrust of the authorities as an unreliable source of information, and the hermetic language used bytelecommunications specialists. The disinformation aimed at delaying the im- plementation of this technology in Europe, also being related to the war over5G technology between the United States and China, has a great impact onthe negative perception of the 5G technology in Polish society.
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An Internet search engine is a specialized web site whose main function is to help find information. The information we collect through such internet search engines is often used to make important decisions although it may not always be considered accurate and true. At the time of the coronavirus disease pandemic (COVID-19), it was noted that a large amount of information and news related to the disease was spread on social networks, but they were often inaccurate and false. The media often emphasise that the competent persons should be listened to and the official websites monitored in order to obtain accurate information. To find such information, we often use search engines. Search engine algorithms work by using special programs (crawlers, robots) to collect web pages which are analyzed and displayed in the form of links to search results on internet search engines. What is not so well known is that such search results are also subject to various manipulation techniques such as astroturfing and Google bombing, which aim to influence the attitudes of those who search for them. Since the current topic is vaccination against the aforementioned disease, for the purposes of this paper, a study was conducted by searching complex terms in internet search engines about the vaccine to find out whether these manipulation techniques are used.
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This article deals with the phenomenon of socio-political anarchization related to the dynamic process of digitisation, primarily connected with the functioning of social media. All issues are analysed from several perspectives, including the research areas of political science, sociology and psychology. According to the authors, many mechanisms of the internet described in this article not only contribute to the growing social and political polarisation, but may also lead to a recession of liberal democracy and the most important state institutions. The authors argue that the specific way in which digital media function and the available options of their application may strengthen gradual anarchization processes, ultimately leading to the creation of various types of social entities. These entities are defined by particular micro-identities and are less and less dependent on the state. At the same time, they contribute (or rather can contribute) to the actual atrophy of the existing state structures, as well as the rules and procedures hitherto present in society.
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The relationship with authority is a fundamental element in any social context, since any social organization, whether it is a family or an institution, is based on a hierarchical structure that functions adequately (Baysu & Phalet, 2017). The psychological factors that encourage as well as discourage participation in social protests are often unfortunately neglected in the social sciences (Aydin, 2015). In recent years, social movements have developed on a large scale, and the implications of these movements from the point of view of protesters are attracting increasing attention around the world. Psychological research tends to focus on discovering the reasons why people choose to protest or not (Uluğ & Acar, 2018). Societies develop systems of beliefs, values, norms and representations to understand and interpret events. Therefore, in order to understand the behavior of people who obey or disobey authority, one must understand what the concepts of obedience and disobedience are, as well as the emotions that people experience when they obey authority or protest (Drury & Reicher, 2000).The relationship with authority is a fundamental element in any social context, since any social organization, whether it is a family or an institution, is based on a hierarchical structure that functions adequately (Baysu & Phalet, 2017). The psychological factors that encourage as well as discourage participation in social protests are often unfortunately neglected in the social sciences (Aydin, 2015). In recent years, social movements have developed on a large scale, and the implications of these movements from the point of view of protesters are attracting increasing attention around the world. Psychological research tends to focus on discovering the reasons why people choose to protest or not (Uluğ & Acar, 2018). Societies develop systems of beliefs, values, norms and representations to understand and interpret events. Therefore, in order to understand the behavior of people who obey or disobey authority, one must understand what the concepts of obedience and disobedience are, as well as the emotions that people experience when they obey authority or protest (Drury & Reicher, 2000). This article provides a theoretical and empirical overview, through a detailed literature review, of the reasons that lead people to social protest. A detailed psychological review of emotions, behavior, performance, forms of interaction and reasons for prosthetics is given, which is combined with various models of theoretical interpretation.
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This study investigated social-media-based anti-brand communication. Guided by consumerboycotts and brand cancellation theory, the author conducted a qualitative study based on contentanalysis of tweets about 59 international brands that remained in Russia after the invasion inFebruary 2022. The research was conducted on Twitter between August 10 and 17, 2022. Thestudy aimed to determine whether brands that have decided to stay in Russia are still exposed tonegative WoM, calls for a boycott or brand cancellation after 6 months since the war began. Theobtained results made it possible to identify the number of tweets and their content and sentiment.They also showed the dynamics of negative WoM publications on social media and their character.The practical implications are the following: brands exposed to consumer boycotts, depending ontheir business goals, may decide to adopt a “wait-out” strategy.
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The purpose of this research was to determine the extent to which attempts to explain the preventability of media violence contribute to the body of knowledge. This investigation employs structural equation modeling (SEM). The questionnaire method is utilized to determine the potential predictability of the effects of media violence on public health. The sample consisted of 405 people. The research employed the most common data collection technique, a questionnaire. Participants in the study, who use all forms of media in Turkey and range in age from 13 to 75, were sent online survey questionnaires via a link to a website for online surveys (Google Survey). The study's findings reveal the relationship between the independent variables of age, gender, marital status, level of education, level of income, place of residence, daily internet usage rate and security perception, and the digital violence and response to violence scale. The results of the structural equation model analysis demonstrate that sexual, psychological, and physical violence occur in the digital environment. This demonstrates that the virtual environment is just as dangerous and unsettling as the real world. Sensitivity is required when engaging in social communication within the digital environment. Regarding the mental health of the populace, it becomes apparent that certain legal, practical, and technological arrangements are required.
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Music videos have long been an important part of human culture and are popular in contemporary culture. The harsh themes and proclivity to encourage violence in music videos have drawn criticism. Violence in popular culture refers to activities meant to seriously injure another character's physical appearance. For better or worse, the mass media has a tremendous impact on the general public's opinions, attitudes, behaviors, and time use. The audience and the followers of the religion are unprepared for the violence that is nearly entirely intertwined throughout the music when they see snippets being listened to for relaxation, fun, and tranquility. Because a movie's genre and subject matter are known to and generally preferred by the audience, whereas a music video clip's content cannot be known in advance and cannot, therefore, be desired by the public. As a result, it is thought that the absence of stimuli in music video clips, such as smart signals or protective symbols, constitutes a serious deficiency that exposes the viewer to risk. Due to this environment, the goal of this study is to assess the connection between new media, violent behaviors, and video clips that look into interventions in this area. Reviewing earlier studies that have been done on this subject is crucial. These procedures must be followed in order to guide ongoing research efforts and pinpoint areas for future study. A greater understanding of the relationship between new media and violent behaviors is very required because new media is so ingrained in so many people's lives. Understanding the connection as a whole will improve the chances that interventions will be successful.
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