Around the Bloc: German Police Disprove Gang-Rape by Migrants
There is no evidence of a sexual offence against the 13-year-old girl from a Russian-speaking community in Berlin, German prosecutors said.
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There is no evidence of a sexual offence against the 13-year-old girl from a Russian-speaking community in Berlin, German prosecutors said.
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The purpose of the exposition is a critical examination of a reductionist understanding of the process of Europeanization and management of identity differences in the area of the Western Balkans, with a particular emphasis on the Bosnian and Herzegovinian context. Referring to the two dimensions of the problem - auto construction of European identity in relation to the Balkans as unconscious Otherness, and the existence of disciplinary matrix within the EU, which produces the logic of parallel worlds, seriously question the unquestionable applicability of the europeanization discourse in terms of overcoming the division relations in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Deconstruction of the content of vanity of the europeanization discourse and proving its mythological character will be the focal point of the article. In other words, the axiology of European integration in most cases results in perverting outcomes of simulacral nature. In particular, the phrase "The Brussels Bosnia and Herzegovina" serves as a specter, that has, paradoxically, become a reference for valuation of reality to which political subjects refer to, even though they very well know that as such, it does not exist. Europeanization of Bosnia and Herzegovina serves as an ideological - absorption ballast of political passivity, incompetence, and even obstruction, with an indefinite shelf life in terms of providing the illusion of a better future. Special attention will be dedicated to a kind of "Stockholm Syndrome" as a reflexive reaction of the countries of the Western Balkans. Namely, the unconditional acceptance of bureaucratic narrative guidelines that the EU serves as a universal recipe for managing identity differences, which haven’t been achieved and proven efficient in numerous examples within the EU itself. To sum up, this exposition has a goal to strip naked and show the mythological character of the europeanization discourse, its political consequences and outcomes of identity, both in the EU and in terms of the Western Balkans.
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The search for the optimal integration model in a multinational, internationally recognized but innerly unrecognized country like Bosnia and Herzegovina, a country of “unfinished war and frozen conflict”, is doomed to failure if it is supported by old paradigm values (a policy without principles, bare or juridical and political violence, the politics of nullifying identity, etc.). Thereupon, it is justified, no matter how much audacious it might seem at first glance, in the search for the optimal integration model to involve the values and possibilities of the new paradigm (the change in the mentality and opinion, culture of nonviolence and the appreciation for all identities, including the unrecognized, the respect of individual human rights, and rights of ethnic and national group subjectivities). It could be possible to create with these values an integration model of a torn Bosnian and Herzegovinian society and the revitalization of a currently dysfunctioning and utterly non-existent country. It is about the recognition of the concession form necessities of political culture, which imply the will of relevant political subjects to implement in the organization (and decision-making) process in a multinational country like Bosnia and Herzegovina all the democratic methods of managing differences and conflicts. For this purpose, the paper also questions the premodern (primordial and perennial) approach to nation phenomena and the nationalism of dominant academic and political narrative, and the quasi-modern approach that denies Bosnia and Herzegovina´s multi-nationality or reduces it to its multi-ethnicity. At last, the paper answers the questions: why are “spins” produced instead of favourable ambient for inner integration and motion towards the European Union, i.e. the European family of countries and states it signifies. Through analyses and arguments, the paper suggests the necessity for the change of the cultural and political paradigm as the basic assumption for the europeanisation of inland policies and ambient, without which there is no bright future in Bosnia and Herzegovina and for Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Women’s rights and their political aspect are inextricably linked in multitudinous ways. The fact that there is no bill of rights entrenched in the Australian constitution makes it fairly difficult for women to address their issues and claim rights on the basis of constitutional rights. The policy impact created by the combination of visible women’s movement, receptive political parties and effective women’s policy agencies within government had largely dissipated by the mid-1990s. Federalism in Australia has created opportunities in regards to political activism for feminist movements. The advocates of women’s rights in Australia are known to have worked „within a multilevel political system”. The Women’s Electoral Lobby (WEL) was founded in 1972. WEL’s ambition was to take women’s interests to the government and making it receptive to their ideas in order to influence policies. A sign of gender equality demonstrates itself through women being able to support themselves financially and be independent, if they choose so. This political engagement by women is a necessity in order to introduce laws and pass legislation
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The well-known fact is the existence of differencesin the lives of individuals and social gro-ups in a free market economy. The pace of social changes requires the entity an obligation to per-manent follow the footsteps of knowledge-based economy. The scope and scale of this phenome-non are particularly acute in societies in which global processes are accompanied by the rapid so-cio-political-economic transformations related to the system transformation. They entail the need for profound changes in the sphere of social patterns of functioning. The main concept discussed in the article is marginalization. On the so-called the margin of society consists not only of the individuals and thepathological environments, derailed, parasitic, degraded, violating the law or rules of social intercourse. This concept also includes the exclusive-ness, the desire to maintain distance and the demarcation between what is common, neuter and what is clear, specific, unique and elite. The article discusses the different faces of marginalization as well as its multidimensional nature and attempts to identify its causes. The phenomenon of marginalization becomes an obstacle in building civil society, which is the basis for the proper functioning of society in ademocratic state. The article repeatedly stressed that the joint action for the common good build positive social relationships, which result in a strong sense of connection with the public entities, resulting in the formation of collective identi-ty. This in turn increases social solidarity, whichis reflected by the necessity and will including in the socio-economic-political life these individualsand groups who, for various reasons, found themselves outside the mainstream of social life. Sense of unity, community makes a strong society.
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Alcohol abuse was one of the most serious social problems in Poland, mainly throughout the period of the People’s Republic of Poland. It caused a threat of social pathologies and was a significant criminogenic factor. Therefore, the activities of the authorities were aimed not only at prosecuting and punishing crimes committed under the infl uence of alcohol, but also at their prevention. Confidential reports prepared for the government outlined the scale of the problem and proposals for improvement.
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Još 1989. godine znameniti talijanski politolog Giovanni Sartori prateći karijeru novih tipova karizmatskih političara u svijetu, a među njima su ključne uloge imali Ross Perot u SAD-u, Silvio Berlusconi u Italiji, Stanislaw Tyminski u Poljskoj, Fernando Collor u Brazilu i Bernard Tapie u Francuskoj, skovao je izraz videopolitika. Njime je nakanio usmjeriti pozornost na spoj poduzetničkoga menađera i medijskoga zabavljača koji se pojavljuje u svakodnevnoj političkoj borbi za naklonost publike odnosno glasača u liberalno-demokratskim poretcima. Ne slučajno, 1989. godina bila je svjetsko-povijesna prekretnica po svim značajkama. Rušenje Berlinskoga zida kao simbolički kraj ideologije komunizma u istočnoj Europi i ulazak u doba globalizacije kao trijade neoliberalizma u ekonomiji, politici i kulturi bio je istodobno i početak vladavine tehnosfere ili kibernetičke mreže događaja kojim se svi procesi životne interakcije između sustava i okoline svode na ubrzavanje protoka informacija. Otuda slijedi nužnost onoga što je Jean Baudrillard nazvao ekstazom komunikacije. (Baudrillard, 1988, Paić, 2020, 2022a). Nema dvojbe da je videopolitika danas u potpunosti zavladala onim što je još preostalo od tradicionalnoga pojma društva. Društvene mreže postale su mnogo više od dodatnog prostora za pojačavanje intenziteta političke artikulacije temeljnih ideja o načinu vladanja državom i preoblikovanjem društva. Njihova je nezamjenljivost u stvaranju novoga diskursa i dijaloga brze razmjene stavova uvjet mogućnosti nove vizualne kulture. U međuvremenu je spomenuti Sartorijev pojam proširen u sferi društvenih i humanističkih znanosti i to na taj način da uglavnom francuski politolozi za nove političke aktere složenih procesa u kojima se zbiva demokratski život razvijenih i nerazvijenih država i društava koriste izraz telepopulizam. Time dovode do krajnjih granica ono psihopolitičko i ideologijsko kad je riječ o suvremenim tendencijama u politici uopće.1 (Taguieff, 1997: 18, Paić, 2022b)
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Review of: GHEORGHE I. CANTACUZINO, ŞERBAN DRAGOMIRESCU, DAN DUMITRU IACOB (coord.), CARMEN OPRESCU; Hărţi: MARIANA VLAD; Traducere: SIGRID PINTER; Academia Română, Comisia de Istorie a oraşelor din România, Atlas istoric al oraşelor din România, Seria b, Ţara Românească, fascicula 2 – Câmpulung. Städtegeschichteatlas Rumäniens, Reihe B, Walachei, 2. Lieferung – Langenau, Editura Enciclopedică, Bucureşti, 2008, XVIII + 18 p. + 8 hărţi + 1 litografie Partidele politice şi minorităţi naţionale din România în secolul XX, vol. II, coordonatori: VASILE CIOBANU, SORIN RADU, Editura Techno Media, Sibiu, 2007, 400 p. SORIN RADU Ion Flueraş (1882–1953): Social-democraţie şi sindicalism. Postfaţă de ing. CONSTANTIN LAURENŢIU ERBICEANU, Editura Nemira, Bucureşti, 2007, 348 [352] p.
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The principles of intra- and intergenerational justice, which are intended to ensure the development not only of the present but also of future generations, are the basis of the new development paradigm. Formulated in such an overall way, the new paradigm of development in various fields of science is explained, interpreted and realized. In the current academic literature, the new paradigm of development is embodied by the idea of sustainable development, which is equated with ecological development, integrated development, and others. Both sustainable and integrated thinking in the context of the new development paradigm is an important part of the development strategies of international organizations, states, and local governments at the regional level. The issue of sustainable and integrated development seems particularly relevant at the level of local governments which are responsible for the implementation of socially relevant tasks, while having at their disposal much more limited resources and legal instruments compared to the state. Spatial policy, which must combine the current needs of municipalities with securing the prospects of their development in the future, seems to be particularly important in this context. The aim of the article is to analyze and evaluate the implementation of the sustainable and integrated development policy at the level of local governments, based on the strategies of entities at various levels of local government, on the example of the Silesian Voivodeship and the Metropolis GZM.
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The paper analyses whether TV debates after 2012 elections enhanced political dialogue and offered a credible platform for equal political treatment of political parties in the context of an unequal political competition and biased media (towards the ruling party). The subject of the paper is a detailed analysis of 22 ‘Word on Word’ election debates in terms of their issue framework, equality of participants, influence (through a case study of the 2022 election), the difference between parliamentary and presidential debates and the role of debates in the wider media environment. The author examines whether the debates encouraged changes in the media environment and whether they led to the improvement of media environment. Specifically, the purpose was to determine whether these debates could provide a credible platform for political dialogue or whether they are a democratic `façade`, as described by a part of the critically oriented public. The analysis takes into account the context that the opposition exists and that there are no systematic obstructions to its work and participation in the elections. On the other hand, the dominance of the ruling parties in terms of resources and the ability to influence the disintegrating processes in the opposition has led to unequal treatment and unfair political competition.
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Review of: Slaviša Orlović, Monitoring Democracy, Faculty of Political Science and Clio, Belgrade, 2023, p. 394
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The holding of parliamentary, local and presidential elections in Slovenia in the same year, held at time intervals of several months, gave reason to call the year 2022 a „super-election” year in that country. They were one another opportunity to express the will of the voters and show the characteristics of the Slovenian political system. In this work we tried to briefly present the basic features of the political-ideological divisions that characterize contemporary Slovenian society, the history of elections at all levels in Slovenia after independence in 1991, and their most important features that came to the fore in 2022.
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Through my research I investigate the complex topic of citizenship and nationality by examining the evolution of concepts and practices related to citizenship and nationality throughout history. The study proposes a broad approach for understanding the dynamics and consequences of these legal phenomena. The research focuses on the complex relationship between citizenship and nationality and their role in shaping individual and collective identity. At an interdisciplinary level, the reader will discover the interaction between these concepts and society by highlighting the dialectical aspects of inclusion and exclusion. The results are based on relevant case studies, legislative, political, and social changes that have affected citizenship and nationality in different historical periods and in various geographical contexts, with an emphasis on the complexity and dynamics of these concepts. By exploring the history, legislative evolution, and legal and social debates in the field of citizenship and nationality, this study sheds light on the challenges and dilemmas facing contemporary legal systems in managing cultural and social diversity, analyzes theoretical perspectives and current practices on inclusion and exclusion and possible solutions and improvements are proposed to promote social cohesion and respect for human rights.
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With the concepts of rule of law, democracy and respect for human rights representing the most prominent values upon which the European Union is established, the EU accession process expectedly supplicates candidate countries to ameliorate the efficiency of their legal institutions. As a general rule, such fundamentals are habitually correlated with other equally relevant criteria concerning the EU accession process. Given that the Western Balkans are not ordinarily regarded as an exemplary model in terms of practically demonstrating the rule of law and economic well-being, this research paper analyzes the linear relationship between human rights and rule of law manifestations and corruption perspectives in some EU candidate countries as a potential mechanism for satisfying EU accession fundamentals. For that matter, a simple linear regression analysis was conducted in order to determine whether and how such correlation would benefit policymakers in some current EU candidate countries toward their paths to European integration.
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Review of: Emese Lafferton: Hungarian Psychiatry, Society and Politics in the Long Nineteenth Century. Palgrave Macmillan. Cham 2022. XVIII, 443 S. ISBN 978-3-030-85705-9.
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Families blessed with a child with developmental disabilities or a gifted child are not typical families. Such families are exposed to specifics in day-to-day function, establishing interpersonal relationships and fulfilling their family roles. The object of research and studies carried out so far are twice-exceptional individuals, thus excluding the families with one gifted child and another with developmental disabilities. Dually exceptional families have dual challenges in providing additional individualized support for children, in two completely different ways, in two different directions. Based on the results and the analysis of case study of two dually different families, areas in which additional support is required by such families and parents are identified according to family functions, as well as recommendations as to how to empower these areas.
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U decembru 2020. godine navršilo se 25 godina od potpisivanja Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma u Jelisejskoj palati u Parizu. Tim sporazumom, okončan je ratni sukob koji se na teritoriji Bosne i Hercegovine vodio od 1992. godine. Nakon četvrt veka, politička situacija u ovoj bivšoj jugoslovenskoj republici presudno je određena aneksom četiri Dejtonskog sporazuma koji je još uvek na snazi kao važeći Ustav države. Prema tom, najvišem pravnom aktu, Bosna i Hercegovina je teritorijalno podeljena na dva entiteta, Federaciju BiH i Republiku Srpsku. Nosioci političkog subjektiviteta postali su predstavnici tri konstitutivna naroda: Bošnjaka, Hrvata i Srba. Cilj ovakvog državnog i političkog ustrojstva pre svega je bio prekid ratnog sukoba. Funkcionalnost državnog aparata i političkog sistema ostali su u ratnim uslovima sporedni. Etnički identiteti, koji su „Dejtonom“ postali najrelevantnije političke kategorije, ispostavili su se kao omča oko vrata državi kojom nikada, od rata naovamo, nisu prestale da dominiraju huškačke a često i ratne retorike. Ovakav politički trend velikim delom se odrazio i na društvenu sferu koja često prihvata i gotovo po inerciji perpetuira diskurs koji diktiraju etno-nacionalne političke elite.
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The democratic transition on the African continent has been accompanied by problems of poor governance, poor administration, third terms and centralized power, electoral administration conundrums, and corruption. This paper examines the overarching problems in Africa, including electoral challenges, the third term and centralization of power, societal, social, and economic governance, and the death of ethics. This is a desktop study, also known as a conceptual study, that is based on Asante's Afrocentricity Theory, which provides pedagogical thinking about power, dominance, racism, and the need to escape victimization. The findings of the article reveal that many African countries, including South Africa, Zimbabwe, Uganda, and Nigeria, face significant challenges due to poor governance and maladministration. The paper concludes by stating that to address the challenge of poor governance and maladministration in African countries, a multifaceted approach is necessary. One potential innovative solution is to increase transparency and accountability in government institutions using technology and data-driven decision-making. This could involve the implementation of digital systems for monitoring and reporting on government activities as well as the creation of independent oversight committees to ensure public officials are held accountable for their actions.
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The purpose of this article is to sound the alarm about Europe’s open door policy. The old continent deserves all the credit for its hospitable spirit towards migrants, but if the gates continue to be wide open, without prior pre-selection, we will wake up too late with the Trojan Horse within our walls. This article is against Islamophobia as much as it is against anti-Semitism or against the European extreme (radical) right. A balanced approach to the migration phenomenon is not the same as taking no stance. This phenomenon is like a double-edged sword. On the one hand, it gives you the impression that it can solve the aging of the European population and the labor force crisis, on the other hand, it risks destabilizing Europe’s identity.
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