KLARA OTOREPEC, HOOKS, BELL: NAŠA POZICIJA: RAZRED JE POMEMBEN
Review of: Klara Otorepec, hooks, bell: Naša pozicija: Razred je pomemben. Ljubljana: Sophia, 2019. 224 strani (ISBN 978-961-7003-42-0), 18 EUR
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Review of: Klara Otorepec, hooks, bell: Naša pozicija: Razred je pomemben. Ljubljana: Sophia, 2019. 224 strani (ISBN 978-961-7003-42-0), 18 EUR
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La o primă examinare, societatea noastră, asemeni unui furnicar uriaş, reprezintă o masă amorfă în care oamenii, abia vizibili, se mişcă anarhic, fără sens, în toate direcţiile. Cu toate acestea, în ciuda aparenţelor, la fel ca şi societatea furnicilor, societatea umană nu este ilogică, iar întreaga sa dinamică se bazează pe tipare şi norme clar stabilite a priori. La fel ca şi furnicarul, societatea umană globală (dacă se poate vorbi despre aşa ceva) se bazează pe o logică a diviziunii muncii, a ierarhiei şi, poate, a unui drum cu destinaţie ascendentă. Toate aceste elemente, cuplate cu o mobilitate spaţială din ce în ce mai crescândă, dau naştere furnicarului uman contemporan sau, parafrazându-l pe Eminescu, unui megalopolis global în care logica intrinsecă a societăţii este mascată de un haos de suprafaţă.
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Relaţiile interetnice din România au fost şi continuă să fie subiect de studiu pentru foarte mulţi analişti din ţară şi din străinătate. Această tematică a minorităţilor din România se bucură de o atenţie deosebită mai ales în Ungaria – atât la nivelul elitelor specializate în istorie, sociologie, demografie etc., cât şi la nivel guvernamental şi al organizaţiilor nonguvernamentale. Mai mult, opinia publică din Ungaria este la curent cu tot ce se întâmplă în România. Există un întreg aparat mediatic care informează opinia publică ungară pe acest segment.
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After 1989, the material axis disintegrates and delocalizes, being confined at the milk factory and market. The locality no longer has the capacity of offering jobs on the local dimension, and from a financial and banking perspective, it loses its national valences once owned (the difference between the banking institution as an organic product with collective finality, built from local initiative to national influence, and the banking institution built on the idea of profit without public utility as the main axis of development).
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Community ‘empowerment’ represents their habilitation to pursue their own economical and cultural interests in local administration (regardless of political party in power), aimed at community welfare as an effective entity in relation to particular interests of members. In international literature, community empowerment has been theorized by four additional concepts: independence, self-determination, national development through local development and self-reliance (Fetterman, 2001, 2005; Craig and Mayo, 2004; Alsop, Bertelsen and Holland, 2006). From the perspective of political sociology, community empowerment is one of the main formal aspects that the administration takes at communitarian level. In Durkheim’s sociology of normality, community empowerment is the safety frame in respect to anomy through which the individual can pursue its interests.
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The article examines theoretical and practical problems concerning the realisation of participatory democracy’s potential for forming and implementing state policy on counteracting epidemics. The article is aimed at the study of participatory democracy as a tool of state’s interaction with the public while counteracting epidemics throughout history, from antiquity to the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic. Comparative, comparative legal, systemic-structural, dialectical, historical and other scientific methods have been employed to examine the issues discussed in the article. The application of the aforementioned methods is conducted on the interdisciplinary scientific basis.
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The author offers an analysis of the controversial Israeli Nation-State Law of 2018 and B. Netanyahu’s involvement in its adoption. He claims that its ideas manifest Netanyahu’s desire to depart from the state-centred, social democratic, and liberal views advocated by Ben Gurion. This desire stems from his strong disagreement with Israel’s founder’s claim and belief that secularism is a guarantee that Israel does not fall into the same trap as the leaders of the bicentennial Crusades – which ultimately failed. The author of the paper makes an insightful comparison of this law with the contents of Point 13 of Thomas Woodrow Wilson’s 1918 plan – a document from exactly 100 years before, designed to shape Europe after victory in the war against Russia, Prussia, and Austria-Hungary, on whose lands an independent Polish state was to be established.
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The author offers an analysis of the controversial Israeli Nation-State Law of 2018 and B. Netanyahu’s involvement in its adoption. He claims that its ideas manifest Netanyahu’s desire to depart from the state-centred, social democratic, and liberal views advocated by Ben Gurion. This desire stems from his strong disagreement with Israel’s founder’s claim and belief that secularism is a guarantee that Israel does not fall into the same trap as the leaders of the bicentennial Crusades – which ultimately failed. The author of the paper makes an insightful comparison of this law with the contents of Point 13 of Thomas Woodrow Wilson’s 1918 plan – a document from exactly 100 years before, designed to shape Europe after victory in the war against Russia, Prussia, and Austria-Hungary, on whose lands an independent Polish state was to be established.
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The lack and the closed character of the archive material from the World War II period in the Soviet archives attracted to a great extent many researchers who study Yugoslav-Soviet relations to have a closer look at the Soviet newspapers and periodicals and some other similar sources. They are, fortunately, quite prolific, and many things were preserved and available for use. It is clearly seen from these sources that the Soviet public during World War II, and especially after the German attack on Soviet Union on June 22, 1941, maintained a close interest and followed continually the situation at the Balkans. It gave a special and important place to the antifascist struggle of the peoples and nationalities of Yugoslavia and raised them in a high esteem.
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There were many objective and subjective factor that caused the National Liberation Movement in Eastern and Central Bosnia to develop under somewhat specific conditions, especially in the first years of the War. Contrary to the previous experience gained in proletarian revolutions, the centres of an armed struggle could not become immediately industrial and urban areas but certain new territories, mostly in villages and in the mountains. Both communists and other people who were ready to fight came to these territories from the urban areas. It is true that even in 1941 insurgents had in their hands a few counties and districts in Eastern Bosnia (Vlasenica, Šekovići, Sokolac, Rogatica, Trnovo and some other places), but they were not larger urban and industrial centres.
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In the first eight post-war years the social structure of the party membership in Bosnia and Herzegovina underwent considerable changes. On one hand, they were conditioned by the long-term revolutionary measures that had been carried out in a young socialist society via a confiscation, expropriation, sequestration, two agrarian (reforms and nationalisation, and, on the other hand, by intensive actions and endeavours of the party leadership to recruit as much as possible members from the working class that was in the .process of gradual! formation in the dynamic process of the country's industrialisation.
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Migration is one of important aspects of modern global world development, that includes many interrelated factors such as political, economic, social, cultural, etc. With recent trends, international migration is on the rise. Georgia has experienced a significant outflow of population caused by a sharp economic decline since the collapse of the Soviet Union in early 90s of 20th century. Many Georgian citizens migrated to the EU as labour migrants. After gaining the visa-free regime with the EU in 2017, the migration of Georgian citizens to the EU has increased. The reasons for emigration and immigration in Georgia do not differ from the rest of the world and are mainly caused by economic nature. The article presents the analysis and conclusions based on recent data gained by means of the sociological survey, which proves that the attitudes of Georgians towards migration mainly coincide with the approaches of Baltic States’ citizens. The survey results confirm that the experience of the Baltic States is valuable for Georgia. The outcomes demonstrate that it is more productive for Georgia to encourage the circular migration, which means promoting the employment of Georgian workers in the host countries, and later to support and facilitate their subsequent return to Georgia in order to apply the work experience and skills acquired abroad in Georgia.
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The paper argues that understanding the apparent failure of new democracies in establishing transparency as a norm requires a look at how the meaning of transparency is constructed. The argument is illustrated by analysing how local government transparency is shaped in a multiactor process, under the influence of international policy discourse and domestic factors. Directed qualitative analysis (N=144) was applied on documents issued by the central government, local governments and third sector organisations. The aspects of this process – sometimes not so positive effects of external pressure, the emphasis on standardisation, and the limited policy capacity of all actors – are identified as relevant to the establishment of transparency as a norm.
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The article aims to shed light on the connection between rhetoric and politics, and its dissemination in the sophistic and philosophical tradition. The argumentation is based on the conceptions of two contemporary philosophers Barbara Cassin and Hans Blumenberg, who appear as the protagonists of positions according to which rhetoric takes up a significant place in political life. Since Plato, the sophists were treated as other pre-Socratics, as demagogs, who do not hold the truth but spread a false opinion. The philosophers share a conviction that speech immediately expresses reality, and they also prohibited following the way of non-Being (Parmenides). The sophists (Gorgias, Protagoras) shared the position that speech expresses only itself, but not reality. Two opposite (but related) ways of thinking are best seen in M. Heidegger’s and H. Arendt’s philosophies. Keeping in mind the main theme, Blumenberg’s philosophical position includes logos as the mean of distancing, the art of politics is determined by the ability to delay decisions and soften conflicts by rhetorical means, while Cassins’ logology is understood as the ontology.
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The essay is designed to investigate the foundations of the conjunction of modern/postmodern premises that the world is a construct of discourses and their power. Such premises require the exclusion of the world of perception, including the lived world, and the appearance of the modern subject and its specific interpretation of reality. The question is as follows: how must the modern subject access such reality when it is assumed that such reality is not accessible to direct, perceptual intuition? Here we encounter the way how the subject must construct methodological and theoretical discourses which do not represent, but ‘make’ modern reality.
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The essay starts from the Italian liberal-monarchical tradition and its lack of democracy (the House of Savoy ruled, also known as the House of Savoy): during that period only the members belonging to the richest classes voted, while women were excluded. In this type of monarchy, social struggles developed in Italy after political unity (1861), and continued until 1919-1920, with the workers’ occupation of factories. From here began the bourgeois reaction, with the violence of Mussolini’s squadrons, who thus obtained the government in 1922 and established fascism, a dictatorial and totalitarian regime, born in violence and enemy of democracy. Violence has become the normal means of threatening opponents with imprisonment, murder, and the police state. Anti-Jewish laws were later adopted, in the style of those promoted by Hitler. A system of this kind cannot be called modern, since without democracy modernity is impossible, even if the most advanced technology is introduced into public life, or propaganda with radio, cinema and sports. The construction of a fascist culture was also part of the scheme of totalitarianism, as it prohibited criticism of the dictatorship and moral and intellectual dialectics. Therefore, fascism, or any totalitarian state, was not and cannot be considered a modern form of state.
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The Legionary Movement (called also the Iron Guard) was a special political phenomenon, which appeared in a special socio-economic and geopolitical context, in interwar Romania. As some of the elements of this context seem to repeat today (the reappearance of regional conflicts, the fear of world wars, multiple economic and social crises, the rise of anti-system populist attitudes and anti-Semitism in social media, multiple feelings of frustration for large social categories), the analysis the phenomenon of the Legionnaire Movement is more actual than ever. And the way in which this political message is perceived, not only in historiography, but also among the voting population nowadays, is becoming more and more relevant. This analysis combines a historical approach, to explain the phenomenon of the Legionary Movement from the interwar period, with a sociological one, to evaluate today’s public perceptions towards this phenomenon, one that is part of the family of Eastern European fascisms, but also of a form of anti-system approach, stimulating populist attitudes, as they are defined today
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Albania’s difficult economic situation after the First World War has made this country a de facto protectorate of the Italian State since the 1920s. The economic aid granted by Italy contributed to the increase of the political interference of the Italian State in the internal affairs of the Land of Eagles. This influence is also evident in the buildings of that period, clearly attributable to the fascist architecture. According to the historical period considered in the study, a significant difference in the building architecture emerges between the pre – and post-annexation of Albania to Fascist Italy. On the one hand, in the stage preceding the Italian occupation the buildings in Albania are small in size and covered with local artistic details that evoke the past of the Albanian state. On the other hand, during the period of occupation, the buildings which represent the political centre of the fascist regime in Albania, are majestic, large in size and positioned in strategic places. Despite the differences in style, in both periods Italy used architecture as a mere propaganda tool and the choice of style is attributable to the political message that Italy wanted to convey
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Political parties are a suitable option when one wants to implement a democratic system in a country, and this process has undergone plenty of changes over time. The best way for political parties to become attractive for citizens is to show that they share the same interests, usually through election promises. In terms of pledge fulfillment, there isample research made by academic writers and we can identify certain reasons for which political parties fulfill their electoral promises or not. My paper has two components and aims to identify the situation of fulfilling the electoral promises of a political party in Romania in 2020. I propose to add to the previous papers a supplement, having as case study of a political party „Alliance for the Union of Romanians” in Romania. The gap I was able to identify in the literature refers to Romanian political parties and their rate of pledge fulfillment. The thesis I illustrate an answer in this paper is” Why does (or does not) the party AUR keep its electoral promises?”. The purpose of this paper is to find out whether or not the party AUR has fulfilled its electoral promises (and in what percentage) and what are the main causes that have influenced the fulfillment of these promises. The data collected come from online sources, more specifically all the AUR party posts on social portals and legislative initiatives, both in the Senate and in the Chamber of Deputies, and the method used for data analysis is process tracing. My results are represented by a small rate of fulfilling electoral pledges (17,64%) and 6 specific causes that affected this rate (one of them didn’t go through, four of them showed why these percentage is so low and the last of them showed why the percentage is not 0%).
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The 2018 midterm elections brought many surprises when talking about election results on Congressional level. One of them was definitely Democrats picking up four seats in the Orange County, which for many years was a Republican heartland in California. What happened? Was this just a one-time thing or a sign of blue wave in Donald Trump's era? The four case-studies of Democratic political campaigns will not only try to answer these questions, but also predict how should Republicans respond taking the example of 2020 elections.
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