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In a recent suggestive description of our society we are warned of the impact of the relation between Religion (in our case between the Church) and Society upon humanity: „The changes in the last quarter of a century that comes at the end of the millennium are, to an un-researched extent, great religious insurrections. The state of the world depends on more and more heavily upon man’s religious condition. The millennium started on a secular note, progressively emphasized to the atheist globalization, which combines hedonism and the „gospel of the market” with Marxist communism, to close down on n incredibly pure religious note, that is, in the exactly opposed note. Thus, the „pagan” millennium draws to an end, exhausting the illusion of the great European para-religions and pseudo-religions, from the rationalist one to the individualist one or the Marxist atheist one”. The rebirth of the interest for Religion and for the increasingly powerful global assertion of the a Religious Movements reveals the fact that – without the need to cultivate false prophecies on conflicts between religions or civilizations – the religious dimension will evidently play (because of fundamentalist ideologies), an increasingly important role in conflict situations and it might even be a source of conflict with consequences upon the process of globalization.
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This article discusses the role and significance of the soldier - citizen in polish political thought before 1945. Starting with the Enlightenment and proto-socialist origins, author shows the changes during the 19th century (mainly during the period between the 1831 and 1863 uprising) and reactivation after the revolution 1905-1907, and during the Second World War. The main thesis of the text is an acknowledgment that the character of soldier - citizen in Poland was both democratic and revolutionary. In other words, his activity was supposed to bring not only Polish independence, but also a fundamental change in the social structure. At the core of this concept was the widening the uprising movement by the enfranchisement of the peasantry and the conversion of this strata to the modern political community - the nation.
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The aim of the paper is to provide useful tools for integral look at the celebrity endorsement process in political marketing that results in a holistic concept. The need for its creation was initiated by several authors, highlighting the inadequacy of partial approaches and thus limited possibilities for application of the existing models. Today, the main shortcomings of existing concepts of the theory and research in the field of celebrity endorsement lie in its fragmentation and inconsistency. The proposed model, based on theoretical research, has the ambition to open a wider debate on the issue and to provide practical tools for better understanding of the phenomenon.
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In the paper the authors deal with the topical issue the relationship between media and society – namely several trends and opinions that occur in contemporary society. The media do not only have enormous information capacity, but also the ability to influence public attitudes and opinions, to construct and transform social reality. They are the driving force that can put in motion the masses. Currently, the politics operates mainly through the media. The media determine what the public want to discuss about and politicians have to adapt to this trend. Globalization of media and media functioning require an interdisciplinary approach. Very important is also the understanding of media contents on the side of recipients – due to great diversification of the offer and growing impact of electronic media. The authors deal with current issues of commercialization of the media, trivializing in modern media, freedom of expression and right to information, censorship in the media and points to the issue of media responsibility towards the society.
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The action entitled “Faiths and Social Cohesion” the results of which are presented in this volume is supported by the European Commission Directorate- General for Employment and Social Affairs within the framework of the European Programme against discrimination and in favour of fundamental social rights and the civil society (Art 13 of the treaty of the Union). This is an action for identification, validation and transnational exchanges “good practices” and information against discrimination coordinated by the Institute for Research, Training and Action on Migrations (IRFAM). This action is carried out at the transnational level with six sets of partners hailing from various countries.
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In the beginning of the 21st century, the issue of discrimination became a subject of public policy. Based on two different logics: repressive and preventive, equal treatment policy was to become one of the primary tools in the realisation of the ideal of “actual” equality and social justice. Nonetheless, despite mobilising state institutions and the efforts of other organisations, implementation of the non-discrimination policies remains fraught with difficulties. To transform the letter of the law into real-world change constitutes a significant problem for French local governments. Likewise, social sciences encounter similar difficulties, particularly from the methodological and epistemic points of view; the city of Grenoble can serve as one of such case studies. The article discusses the research results of studies conducted by sociologists and political scientists from the Grenoble Alpes University. The main research topic was the complexity of the phenomenon and experience of discrimination as well as the functioning of the Urban Policy, which is perceived in France as a political answer to the issue of growing social and economic inequalities in the so-called difficult neighbourhoods. The example of Grenoble contributes a lot of findings which can serve as a basis of general reflection on the coherence and effectiveness of the implemented policies as well as their actual influence on leveling the inequalities among the inhabitants of urban spaces.
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The article discusses the considerations and the role of organizations of national and ethnic minorities in politics. According to the author’s political objectives organizationsare focused on broadening control over the terms of preserving their own identity by the group and widen opportunities for legal-institutional public activity.
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Meeting with the existing state of society in a time of global crisis compels us to recognize how multiple pressures on individual human existence are created a complex network of independent, primarily political and economic circumstances. Social solidarity with presence of the most prominent processes of our time suffered obvious changes, which is largely a clear reflection of social events. Sure, the issue of solidarity and trust are important elements that contribute to the creation of social security, but today, global crisis of society makes the social security itself a lot more questionable. Civil society depends on the spirit of generalized trust and confidence in others (A. Seligman), and just trust and security are important needs in the world of quality of every man, especially basic trust that Giddens refers to, as the central element in a complex, general network of relations in society. This paper will present the research of social solidarity and trust, conducted in June-July 2013, which includes interviews with students from several study groups of the University of Sarajevo.
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Othering is often analysed in relation to exclusion of disadvantaged groups such as ethnic minorities or women in relatively heterogeneous societies. In doing so, the existing theories are focused on the issue of discrimination of minorities through the process of othering. On the other hand, this paper will argue that othering is a complicated and multi-dimensional process. It could also be observed in relatively homogeneous societies. Indeed, the members of the disadvantaged and excluded others such as women and ethnic minorities could conceive others. This paper based on a study of Kurdish women living in a poor city in eastern part of Turkey, called Hakkari. The area overwhelmingly populated by Sunni Kurdish people. The quantitative data were collected from 1177 women aged 15 years and over in 2012. The data promote the idea that othering of different ethnic and religious groups could be possible in relatively homogeneous societies.
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Host societies typically draw boundaries towards immigrants on the basis of specific axes of diversity that are important to their self-understanding. This article analyses Turkey’s self-definition and resulting treatment of immigrants in the context of the current refugee influx by evaluating choices and justifications of political decision-makers. It argues that the highlighting of religious brotherhood towards Syrian refugees and the use of religious arguments to justify hospitality point to a recurrence of religion as key variable of identification in Turkish society and provides evidence for a neo-Ottoman turn. Furthermore, it suggests that Syrian refugees in Turkey are mainly treated as temporary guests who are tolerated, rather than seen as permanent members of society. Thereby, Turkey highlights a boundary towards outsiders and protects a homogenous core, thus employing aspects of an assimilationist mode of immigrant incorporation. Overall, this research outlines how the underlying self-image can find relevance in political decision-making such as the treatment of immigrants and thus sheds light on how boundaries and social categories are created and dissolved. It furthermore provides an indication of the state of contemporary Turkish society, which constitutes a foundation for future assessment on the direction it might be heading.
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Gender Mainstreaming (GM) was introduced by the European Union(EU) in 1997, as a strategy to achieve gender equality in all policy areas. Yet, European countries greatly diverge in their progress of implementation. We investigate the role GM played in Romanian and German policies aimed at achieving work-family reconciliation, using concepts from feminist policy analysis. Our analysis shows that pre-existing policies and discourse, the economic situation, as well as the relationship with the EU have shaped and impeded the implementation process of GM in both countries. While Germany slowly moves towards more egalitarian policies,GM as label and strategy did not succeed. In Romania, GM has only impacted work and family reconciliation indirectly through EU legislation.
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The review of: La Hongrie et le réfompsme libéral. Problémes politiques et sociaux (1790-1848) by Károly Kecskeméti; Roma: Il Centro Di Ricerca, 1989, 413 pp.
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Bosna i Hercegovina se suočava s teškim posljedicama političkih previranja u regiji u posljednjih 20 godina i s negativnim učincima ekonomske krize koja je pogodila cijelu Europu. Loša gospodarska situacija, karakterizirana visokim stopama nezaposlenosti, sporim ekonomskim rastom te visokim deficitima platne bilance, rezultirala je daljnim zaostajanjem Bosne i Hercegovine i ostalih zemalja regije u odnosu na ostale razvijenije zemlje članice EU-a. Bosna i Hercegovina i ostale zemlje regije su, kao ključni cilj u prevladavanju gospodarskih problema i postizanja stabilnosti, identificirale što skorije punopravno članstvo u EU. Ostvarenje realne konvergencije ovih zemalja zahtijeva provedbu temeljitih i dubokih gospodarskih i političkih reformi. Svrha istraživanja provedenog u radu je pobliže objasniti pojam realne konvergencije, prikazati kretanje ključnih makroekonomskih pokazatelja u Bosni i Hercegovini i ostalim zemljama regije te identificirati potencijalne učinke članstva u EU na smanjenje razvojnih razlika.
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Ključnim, ali nikako ne i jedinim, čimbenicima demografske obnove Hrvata u BiH smatramo: žene – njihovu ekonomsku stabilnost, pravnu sigurnost i primjeren društveni položaj, koji odgovara njihovoj društvenoj ulozi ključnog čimbenika biološke reprodukcije i nataliteta; brak i obitelj – kao temeljne primarne ćelije i primarne vrijednosti svakoga društva; državu – Bosnu i Hercegovinu i Republiku Hrvatsku, kao i njihove institucije koje kreiraju i vode pronatalitetnu politiku; Crkvu u Hrvata – koja djeluje u obje države i u dijaspori diljem svijeta; hrvatsko gospodarstvo i gospodarstvenike, koji stvaraju uvjete zapošljavanje, ekonomski i životni prosperitet; te Hrvatski narodni sabor i relevantne hrvatske političke stranke, koji kreiraju, pokreću i sudjeluju u važnim političkim procesima i donošenju relevantnih političkih odluka i pravnih akata. Mogući pravci djelovanja u cilju demografske obnove Hrvata u BiH primarno su: reformirani unutarnji ustroj, učinkovit politički sustav i novi Ustav države; posebna pozornost djeci i mladeži; zapošljavanje svih, osobito mladih i obrazovanih; razvitak, unapređenje i pospješivanje gospodarstva, osobito obiteljskog, afirmiranje života na selu i stvaranje svima jednakih šansi za obrazovanje i zapošljavanje.
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A few points on Croatianism. Typology of Croatianism. Croats are not one. Stereotypes of Croats on themselves and on others. A view on patriotism. Manipulation with a „national interest“. Croats and politics – something about „Croatian politics“ in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A cry over the birth rate. How and to which extent war related and other migrations have „devastated“ Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Croats and Roman Catholic Church. Some restraining circumstances of strengthening the social reputation of Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Croatian nationalism, attitude toward the past, attitude to Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia). Croats in a mirror, population census. Conclusion.
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For the proper functioning of society and the peaceful coexistence of different groups of people, communities and the state is essential to the task of raising the readiness of mutual solidarity. No society, not even the slightest willingness to mutual solidarity is not able to function properly and even to life. The common objectives of the nation’s cultural heritage and tradition of building awareness of solidarity within a particular society or nation. Every so functionally conditioned consciousness of solidarity should be rooted and ultimately motivated by the universal solidarity of all men. In his teaching of Pope John Paul II has deepened the motivations of solidarity as human and Christian virtues, emphasizing the social dimension of solidarity. Drew attention to the theological understanding of solidarity, solidarity issues in developing deep background on social issues globally. It is to educate young people to participate in social and cultural life in the spirit of solidarity. Realize that the welfare of the nation depends on their moral attitude, the will to survive, the values of fidelity, which over the centuries shaped the history and culture of the community. Solidarity is a natural openness motivated by man as a social being, the other person with whom to interact is in pursuit of the common good. Hence the need for constant readiness to accept and carry out the tasks that are the result of participation of the individual in society.
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Moj prilog razmatra slijedeća pitanja: Prvo pitanje je: - zašto su manjine u tako velikom broju zemalja izložene diskriminaciji vladajućih većina - čak i u uvjetima demokratske vlasti i ustava? Dokazat ću da prevlađujući oblik zapadne demokracije - model većinske demokracije - ima ozbiljnih nedostataka u pogledu zaštite manjina. Moje drugo pitanje bavi se slijedećim problemom: - postoji li oblik demokracije koji je posebno prilagođen za bavljenje integracijom manjina i problemom multikulturne koegzistencije? Pokušat ću pokazati uporednim sagledavanjem, da postoji alternativni model "većinskoj demokraciji" - "demokracija konsenzusa". Demokracija konsenzusa se sastoji iz podjele vlasti između većinskih grupa društva a njezini glavni elementi su proporcionalno predstavljanje i federalizam. Povijesno iskustvo uči da ovaj oblik demokracije nudi brojne prednosti za političku integraciju u multikulturnom društvu. Treće i posljednje pitanje je slijedeće: - postoje li putovi i sredstva za razvijanje demokratske podjele vlasti čak i u teškim uvjetima kakve nalazimo u demokracijama Centralne i Istočne Europe, ili ovdje u Bosni?
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In this article, we discussed a definition of propaganda and overviewed the evolution of this phenomenon in the 20th–21st centuries. There is no single approach towards what is propaganda. Therefore, the Authors of this article use the definition of propaganda introduced by Garth Jowett and Victoria O’Donnell: “Propaganda is the deliberate, systematic attempt to shape perceptions, manipulate cognitions, and direct behaviour to achieve a response that furthers the desired intent of the propagandist”. Within this article we look at how propaganda works, what are its main characteristics and goals. We conclude that the model introduced by Jowett and O’Donnell may be applied in the research of interstate informational campaigns. Considering the structure of Russian propaganda, the proposed model adaptation divides it into three stages: the analysis of situation, process and results. The first stage involves the analysis of the propagandist and one’s context of propaganda. The main goal is to realise how propaganda is spread, what kind of an ideological approach it employs and what are the aims of propagandist. The analysis of a situation includes the fundamental aspects of the main propaganda target. Therefore, this analysis provides a good base for further research. A well done first phase analysis provides sufficient assumptions on new case research in the future and a repeated analysis of the first phase is only needed if one of the main objects has changed. The main objective of the second stage is to find a specific case of propaganda and information warfare. It is also important to trace the targeted audience. This significantly contributes in recognising and evaluating the techniques used by a propagandist and how the targeted audience react to them. The steps of process analysis may be repeated in order to investigate a new propaganda campaign. The third stage is dedicated to analysing the state after the informational attack. It is important to evaluate the strategy that was taken to counter any of the propaganda and damage that was dealt to the state. Received results are important in formulating the map of propaganda. This article suggests a propaganda research model to analyse Russian propaganda in Lithuania. However, the model still requires a case-study grounding; therefore, further studies should be conducted in this regard.
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Američki diplomata Richard Holbrooke je duboko razmišljao o jednom problemu uoči izbora u Bosni septembra 1996., a koji su bili zamišljeni da povrate građanski život u toj razorenoj zemlji. “Pretpostavimo da su izbori proglašeni slobodnim i poštenim”, rekao je, i da su ti izabrani “rasisti, fašisti i separatisti koji su javno suprotstavljeni [miru i reintegraciji]. To je, dakle, ta dilema.” Uistinu, to jeste dilema, ne samo u bivšoj Jugoslaviji nego, u velikoj mjeri, i širom svijeta. Demokratski izabrane vlasti, često uključujući i one koje su ponovno izabrane ili potvrđene putem referenduma, rutinski ignoriraju ustavna ograničenja svoje moći i lišavaju građane osnovnih prava i sloboda. Od Perua do palestinske administracije, od Sierra Leone do Slovačke, od Pakistana do Filipina, vidimo uspon uznemiravajućeg fenomena na međunarodnoj sceni - neliberalne demokratije.
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