IVAN MACUT, TEOLOGIJA U NEZAVISNOJ DRŽAVI HRVATSKOJ
Review of: Ivan Macut, Teologija u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj, Zagreb- Split: Kršćanska sadašnjost – Služba Božja, 2021., 387 str.
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Review of: Ivan Macut, Teologija u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj, Zagreb- Split: Kršćanska sadašnjost – Služba Božja, 2021., 387 str.
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During the first two decades of the Twenty-First century, we have begun — and will continue to — experience a new dimension in the political roles of power, state identity and religion in different ways. One can read this situation as the concentration of these notions at the core of global politics implemented by political leaders who have been transforming their countries appearances and perceptions worldwide. Furthermore, we will also be experiencing an increase in the intersectionality between domestic and foreign policy that are covered by power, state identity and religion. Within this framework, Muslim majority countries in the Middle East, which are underdeveloped in terms of liberal democracy, have been engaging in a global struggle over state identity and power that stretches from different part of the world, and this has been affecting both the regional dynamics and beyond via global Muslim diasporas. Among many different examples two of these countries have become quite visible: Turkey, under the leadership of Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and Saudi Arabia with its crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman. The two countries have long been in a problematic relation and this has been intensified after Saudi agents murdered journalist Jamal Khashoggi at the kingdom's Istanbul consulate in 2018. But, how did their relations come to this point and how do power, state identity and religion play different roles? To answer this question, this article argues that not directly religion, but also international power struggles and differences between state identities could play different roles into the relations between states, but the positions of the states could not be stable and can be changeable according to their interests.
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The article aims to review the role and importance of religion in the contemporary religiously motivated terrorism. The first part of the article analyses the reasons that led to the rise of the religious wave of terrorism. The second part discusses the features of religious terrorism that distinguish this type of terrorism from other forms of terrorism. The third part develops the discussion whether religious terrorism is a reflection of religion or not, by questioning whether terrorist attacks are carried out in the name of religion or religion is exploited by clever leaders of terrorist groups to achieve the political goals.
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One of the aspects of church life in which political influence was most manifest was the election or removal of prelates from the church hierarchy. Under a totalitarian regime, the individual is not rewarded or punished for his real merits or mistakes, but according to how this serves or not the power. The Orthodox prelates, with a few exceptions, were not arrested because the communists had methods that suited their goals better: forcible retirement, withdrawal, and the dissolution of dioceses. Any arrest would have seriously affected the myth of perfect cooperation between the Communist state and the Orthodox Church. Therefore prelates dismissed from their position were the victims of Communist terror against the church.
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This paper will focus on texts like Dryden’s that nationalized colonization and thus justified it. Nationalistic works on the conversation about the ‘New World’ left out one key group: indigenous Americans. The transposition of European ideas about the Americas is evident in Dryden’s work because of his interest in supporting or justifying the colonial ventures of the western hemisphere. The Indian Emperour itself connects to the European discourse on colonization through the dichotomy Dryden creates between the ‘old’ and ‘new’ world and the nobility of certain indigenous characters like Montezuma. The Indian Emperour most notably connects to later colonial discourse through Dryden’s placement of the English people in the play. While the English are not physically present in Mexico, Dryden refers to his own collective nationality as a necessary replacement or superior successor to the lands of the ‘New World.’ In this paper, I argue that Dryden’s idea of the necessary replacement, or the worthy colonizer, speaks heavily to later colonial themes and myths in North American literature, where various heroic figures act as intermediaries between the European ‘civilized’ world and the western frontier.
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The principle of majority, which is an indispensable tool of election and decision-making in today's democracies, is one of the main indicators of its legitimacy, as well as having a superior position in the establishment and maintenance of political power. The aim of this research is to determine the relationship of the condition of “the caliph’s Quraysh” with this principle by revealing the analysis of the Islamic scholars on the importance of the majority principle in terms of establishing political power and using the authority to order and prohibit. In the grounding of this aim, firstly, the dominant role of the majority in determining the political power was emphasized and the organic relationship between them was tried to be revealed, and the nature of the support provided by the majority to the administration in the use of political power authority and its effect on the possession of the means of coercion that sustain the state apparatus were examined in the light of the views of Fiqh and Kalam scholars. Then, the condition that the caliph should be from the Quraysh lineage, which has been the subject of debate since the 9th century, when the influence of non-Arab elements on the political administration became evident, was examined within the framework of the majority principle, and the evaluations of Islamic scholars about the widespread rumor that formed the basis of this were briefly examined. At the end of the study, it was concluded that Islamic scholars adopted the principle of “majority” in the establishment and maintenance of political power, and that they accepted the requirement that the caliph be Quraysh as a qualification condition, and that the narration, which is the basis of this, shows a historical and socio-political reality brought about by the conditions that emerged in a certain time period.
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For quite a long time it was considered that it is the easiest to build democracy through the exclusion of religion and all religious content from the public sphere. This separation resulted in the crisis of religion that we experience nowadays and the degradation of democracy. The article is an attempt to rethink these relationships. It is pointed out that such a postulated separation, the exclusion of religion from the formation of the public sphere and participation in democracy, leads in this area to the subordination of everything to the majority rule, while with respect to religion per se to a dangerous religious fundamentalism. Religion provides the information that democracy cannot be limited only to institutions, procedures and the majority rule, but must also be rooted in the rules of law, the principle of justice and values. Religion is also important with respect to the condition of a democratic state and the fate of democracy. Democracy, on the other hand, is also of significant importance with regard to religion because it protects it from destructive fundamentalism.
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The on, as it had religious interests in all the states involved in war. In such a case, pope Benedicat XV could not be the partisan of any political alliance, the universal character of the Catholic Church exceeding the diplomatic aWorld War I involved not only the European political diplomacy, but also the ecclesiastic diplomacy, especially that of the Vatican who had to face a new situation, as it had religious interests in all the states involved in war. In such a case, pope Benedicat XV could not be the partisan of any political alliance, the universal character of the Catholic Church exceeding the diplomatic agreements among states concluded on temporary political grounds. Pope Benedict XV has certainly been the most important religious and political leader who has applied constant diplomatic actions for re-establishing peace. Although his actions have not been applied in the political and diplomatic fields, because Vatican was suspiciously watched by all belligerents, from a social and humanitarian point of view it succeeded in saving the lives of thousands of sick, injured or imprisoned people. Due to these humanitarian actions, pope Benedict remained in history as a man of peace and of love for those in distress. I shall present in this study some of the diplomatic actions initiated by Vatican for re-establishing peace and helping those affected by war.
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The acquisition of independence has represented a special time in the history of Romania till nowadays. The sacrifices of the soldiers on the fronts in the South of the River Danube showed Europe that the young Romanian state could defend its own political interests. The Orthodox clergymen have also taken part in all the events which outlined independence and affirmed Romania as important state in the European South – Eastern politics. During the fights of 1877 – 1878 and 1913, the Orthodox priests were near the Romanian soldiers in trenches or hospitals for wounded persons. The Orthodox monks and nuns left the peace and quiet of the monasteries to support the medical staff, and certain monasteries have been changed into military hospitals. I will try to present, in these pages, the contribution of the Orthodox clergy to the acquisition of Romania‘s independence and to the religious organisation of Dobrudgea, the Romanian territory acquired through the sacrifices of the soldiers and of the entire people.
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Involved in the political games of sustaining Greek‘s Revolution for freedom from the Turks, in which he publicly compromised himself in the eyes of The Sublime Porte, The Metropolitan Veniamin Costachi was forced to leave Moldavia, in May 1821, for Colincăuţi. The article shows the political steps took for the hierarch‘s return, the reasons that made him to postpone this moment until the beginning of 1823, and the historiographical controversy about the date of his coming back in the country.
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The proposed article will analyze various addresses of American presidents B. Obama and D. Trump, focusing on the specific references to religion, the religious terminology they employed, as well as the implied strategic goals and the effects they might have produced. In The United States there is an official separation of church and state, however this separation does not imply the absence of the religious dimension from the political field, therefore beyond a private faith, worship and manifestations of personal belief, there are certain common elements of religious orientation that the great majority of Americans share (R. Bellah). America remains associated with a country infused politically by Christianity. The presidential discourses are preponderantly infused with religious language, from the commonly used God bless America to quotations of various verses from the Bible. During his two mandates President Obama reflected on his personal faith on various occasions, the Inaugural address, the National Prayer Breakfast, the Easter Breakfast, and other public statements, addressing to people of faith, of all faiths, or no faith. Already with his presidential campaign Donald Trump provoked heated debates and controversies over most of the issues he addressed, and religion is but one of them. However, although his religiosity has been under radical scrutiny, and highly questioned, in the end, the president won four fifths of the votes of white evangelical Christians and was strongly supported by much of the Bible belt.
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The article deals with the problem of the disintegration of the Catholic-Orthodox dialogue due to the position of the Moscow Orthodox Patriarchate, which supports the current military aggression in Ukraine. The basis for the reflection were issues related to: the prospect of bilateral dialogue based on the current model of ecumenical cooperation between the Vatican and Moscow; the specificity of historical ties between Moscow Orthodoxy and Ukrainian Orthodoxy; seeking agreement on the basis of common arrangements and gestures of goodwill and a different optics of the phenomenon of war and the associated responsibility. The developed analysis of the above-mentioned aspects formulates an appropriate view of the nature and meaning of Catholic-Orthodox relations, including Catholic-Orthodox-Moscow and Orthodox-Moscow-Ukrainian relations.
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The events of the Spring of Nations in the mid-19th century brought Catholics in Germany freedom of association and began the process of pushing for their equality and ensuring parity in political and social life. An outward manifestation of the growing strength of Catholics each year were the conventions held, which went down in history as the so-called Katholikentags. Interestingly, five of them were organized in Wrocław (in 1849, 1872, 1886, 1909 and 1926), and one convention was held in Nysa (in 1899), as Catholics were a great force in Silesia, actively involved in associational life. After the division of Upper Silesia in 1922. Upper Silesia, three Silesian conventions of Catholics were organized in 1922–1924 in apostolic administration of Upper Silesia. Their purpose, course, as well as the most important issues raised during them on political, religious and social issues are discussed in this article.
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It is possible to talk about many reasons that determine the direction of religious publications in the first quarter of the Republic, both in terms of content, style and method. While some of these factors came into play or became stronger with the Republic, an important part of it has a history that goes back to Ottoman modernization. The decline of the Ottoman state, which started on the battlefields, caused serious land losses. This regression damaged the self-confidence of Muslims and spread the idea that salvation would be possible with a Western-style modernization. In this context, the obligatory relations with the Western world, which were established with the feeling of backwardness, were not limited to the military, political and cultural fields, but also spread to the religious field. For this reason, while Ottoman scholars and thinkers sought ways out through political and administrative reforms, they had to discuss the current understanding of religion and the religionworld conception formed in this direction. It has been especially emphasized that Islam does not prevent progress, encourages scientific and technical developments, and is compatible with the principles of reason and logic in terms of content. It is also known that the emphases in this manner maintain their vitality in the texts written both in the last period of the Ottoman Empire and in the Republic of Turkey. On the other hand, this approach, which was not possible to develop independently of the positivist and materialist understanding of science formed in a determinist framework of the West, also affected the field of creed along with the practical and moral issues of Islam. This situation continued and strengthened when it was transferred to the republican period. Because the founding cadres of the republic, who sought a secular and positivist ground, defended the idea that the religious field in general and the creed in particular should not conflict with the scientific understanding of the period. Expressed in the context of the present study, the political center thinks that there are compulsory fixed laws within the framework of cause-effect relationship in nature and that no effect is possible outside of these laws. In response to this attitude, the issue of miracles has been used in religious publications to express situations that go above the laws of nature, on the one hand, it has been tried to be discussed without prejudice to the attributes and actions of Allah. On the other hand, this discussion was conducted without giving the impression that Islam contradicts modern science. Discussing the issue under the influence of the secular and positivist framework drawn by the political center and Western intellectuals makes the issue a worthwhile subject to investigate. Because, in the period of the New Ilm-i Kalam, the restrictive attitude of the founding cadres accompanied the rational and scientific interpretations about the possibility of miracles. This situation significantly determined the content and style of the texts written during the period. In these circumstances, I believe that it is important to point out the points of conflict and reconciliation in the grounding of a religious issue such as a miracle. In this direction, while the current study covers the years 1924- 1960 in terms of time, it is a study that especially includes the publications of the Presidency of Religious Affairs and Ankara University Faculty of Theology as a source. The date 1924, which was determined as the starting date, is important both for the establishment date in terms of the Presidency of Religious Affairs and for the abolition of the caliphate and the taking of some important decisions such as the Law on Unification of Education. On the other hand, the date of 1960 points to a coup date and some fractures in the political sense. During the study, I included the sources published by both the Presidency of Religious Affairs and the Faculty of Theology of Ankara University, as well as other sources directly related to these sources. In addition to this time and resource restriction, it was also referred to important texts written before 1924 and after 1960 when appropriate.
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The article concerns yeshiva students as well as rabbis who found themselves in the Soviet Union during World War II. The author analyzes the diary of Rabbi Chaim Stein, trying to answer the following questions: How did the yeshivah students and the rabbis cope with life in the Soviet Union? Was any semblance of yeshivah life possible in the Soviet kolkhozes? What did they know about the war and about the fate of their families? How did they perceive events from their religious viewpoint?
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National fragmentation of Slavic Muslims in the Montenegrin area of the Sandžak region into Bosniaks and national Muslims was recorded in the last two population censuses in Montenegro, with minor differences in the two sets of results. Therefore, the following question emerges: what are the social and political factors, prevalent in the Montenegrin area of the Sandžak region, that drive national self-identification of Slavic Muslims in this region either towards Bosniakism (national Bosniaks) or national Muslimhood (national Muslims). In the Montenegrin sociopolitical discourse in the relevant period, the social constructs “Bosniak” and “Muslim” have been shaped so that the first ethnonym implies stronger national ties and the tendency to complete one’s national identity through identification with Slavic Muslims outside of Montenegro, while the second ethnonym is closer to Montenegrin state patriotism and the intra-Montenegrin state framework. Empirical material from relevant censuses shows that the tendency of Slavic Muslims in Montenegro to embrace national Bosniakism is not driven by actions of political elites, the proximity and influence of Bosnia, or the ethnic/pre-Islamic origin of this part of the Montenegrin population, but rather by the homogeneity of the population at the municipal level: national Bosniakism is more pronounced in confessionally homogeneous Muslim communities than in those municipalities where Slavic Muslims and Christians live side by side. This finding is interpreted from the perspective of symbolic interactionism: in the confessionally heterogeneous Montenegrin-Sandžak municipalities, we have witnessed self-censorship of Slavic Muslims in terms of their national self-designation, as a result of the need to preserve the positive perceptions held by their Christian fellow citizens. In confessionally homogeneous Muslim municipalities, this factor did not have a major impact, resulting in a significantly large-scale acceptance of national Bosniakism than in those local administrations in the Montenegrin part of the Sandžak region where Slavic Muslims live with the Christian population.
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After the Second World War, since 1949, the organisations were established in Poland with the aim to gather priests and Catholics and support the communist authorities. Members were recruited by the political police using terror and various discrediting materials. The organisations were created, financed and supervised by the communist party and the political police. Their task was to break up the Church from inside and subordinate it to the totalitarian state. The Catholic Church punished canonically the clergy who acted within the structures of these organisations as they were committing treason. These organisations gathered nearly 10 percent of all Catholic priests in the Lublin voivodeship. They ended their activity when de-Stalinization started in Poland in 1956. The clergy who supported the communist regime in Poland were popularly called patriot priests. It was an ironic term used by Poles. The article shows the organisational structures and analyses the motives and conditions that led the priests to collaborate with the communist authorities.
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Review of: Widerstand gegen den Nationalsozialismus im Nordosten. Persönlichkeiten, Konzepte, Schicksale. Hrsg. von Ernst Gierlich und Hans-Günther Parplies (Widerstand im Widerstreit, Bd. 2.) be.bra wissenschaft verlag. Berlin 2022. 242 S., Ill. ISBN 978-3- 9541028-8-4. (€ 34,-.)
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Review of: Reinhold Vetter: Das Bollwerk des Katholizismus wankt. Rapide Säkularisierung in Polen (Wissenschaftliche Beiträge aus dem Tectum Verlag. Reihe Geschichtswissenschaft, Bd. 51.) Tectum Verlag. Baden-Baden 2021. VII, 368 S. ISBN 978-3-8288-4532-9. (€ 68,-.)
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Review of: James Ramon Felak: The Pope in Poland. The Pilgrimages of John Paul II, 1979-1991 (Russian and East European Studies.) University of Pittsburgh Press. Pittsburgh 2020. 336 S., Ill. 978-0-8229-4598-7. ($ 30,-.)
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