Around the Bloc: Bulgarian City Bans Islamic Veils
In the same city, 14 Muslims are on trial for extremism and spreading religious hatred.
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In the same city, 14 Muslims are on trial for extremism and spreading religious hatred.
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This article aims to examine the ethnic minorities’ state of affairs in light of the constitutional reforms in Armenia since President Serzh Sargsyan decided to open the consultations with the parliamentary factions on November 2005. Policy-makers and representatives on behalf of ethnic minority groups have been taking relevantly place at the recent wave of democratic protests throughout the process of constitutional reforms in order to entrench a more stable multiparty system, independent judiciary, new balances between State and civic society. Hence, what is the reason to endorse those tiny ethnic groups such wealth of minority rights and political recognition? Why have ethnic Armenian minority groups not had objections or particular regrets in the constitutional reform processes? In turn, may this high level of internal recognition to ethnic minority groups foster assistance to Armenian minorities and protect Armenian heritage into the de facto entities of the South Caucasus?
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Tema ovog rada je Islamska vjerska zajednica u Pljevljima između dva svjetska rata. Da bi što potpunije objasili ovu temu moraćemo prvo pojasniti opšte ustrojstvo IVZ u Kraljevini za period od 1918-1941. godine. Ovaj rad je koncipiran tako da se u njemu pojasne one stvari koje je IVZ samostalno uređivala a to su: vjerska pitanja, šerijatsko sudstvo, vakufskomearifske poslove, kao i vjersko-prosvjetna pitanja. IVZ posmatraćemo kroz prizmu odluka i uredbi koje je vlast na nju primjenjivala u periodu od 1918-1930. godine, kao i kroz ustave IVZ iz 1930. i 1936. godine. Svako pitanje koje objasnimo uopšteno pojasnićemo i na konkretnom primjeru, tj. u Pljevljima.
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The article discusses the problems of determining the starting point of history of the Western Empire in 800 AC and Emperor Charlemagne position towards papacy. In the political (problems with kingship and feudal system) and ecclesiastical (Second Council of Nicaea) contexts are also present very important and more general debates of historians on monistic or dualistic conceptions which form interrelations between popes and emperors.
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The world has definitely entered into a phase of globalization on a large scale, and by all indicators, into o phase of a global crisis. The world became a compact community whose parts depend on each other. Everything important that happens in it, whether it is culture, science, technology, war, politics, social life, religion, economy or ecology is the concern of the whole planet and affects all people. "Muslim world" no matter what they think about themselves is also part of this global community. This global world has entered into a very uncertain and dangerous, almost paranoid phase after the September 11th, as seen by many analytics. Happenings related with September 11th have a characteristics connotation - conflict between Islam and the west, Muslims and Christians, symbolize historical turning point and herald a new character of relations between people, their cultures and religions. Because of this worrying situation, a modern man and its world have come to a crucial question - is there a possibility of true meeting, mutual respect and dialogue between cultures, religions and spiritual and intellectual traditions. In this context, very important is relation between the west and the "Muslim world", Islam and Christianity. Perception and communication conditioned by it, that west has towards Islam has on one hand and that Muslims have towards the West on the other, suits very much to the blind, those without wisdom and unreasonable than to those who are reasonable and wise, because it is based on resentment and logic of passion without common sense. Today we need each - others like never before. Therefore, there has to be respect in the very basis of relations between people and their nations, their cultures and religions. They have to respect system of reference of others, tolerate certain spiritual and moral principles ("Welt ethos" or "macro ethics"). Otherwise, we will topple down into the abyss of unseen violence, evil and global destruction.
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Srpskla pravoslavna crkva, u razdoblju od 1980. do 1995, vraća ise na javnu i političku scenu sa društvene margine na kojoj je boravila prethodnih četrdeset godina. Pitanja koja se postavljaju su različita: način povratka, pozicije u društvu, stepen uticaja koji zadobija, odgovori koje nudi o osnovnim problemima, delovanje na verskom i političkom polju, itd.
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Tensions between the Jewish communities, particularly in the context of the division between “Ashkenazim” and “Sephardim” produce reciprocal images, which, according to social psychologists, create stereotypes that ”attach” some characteristics to this or that community. Stereotypes can also have a function in the formation and transformation of cultural identities, including in their historical concept, as diagnosed by cultural studies scholars. The claim regarding discrimination against oriental communities in shaping the cultural identity of the State of Israel is well known. It could be assumed that the phenomenon, as known to us in its present dimensions, is as old as the State of Israel. However, the previous waves of immigration as well created a situation of Communal Identification. Texts and reports from the years 1878- 1884 written by notable Hebrew journalists of the time, demonstrate that the attempt to identify “Ashkenazi characteristics” and “Sephardi characteristics” was already obvious in 19th century Palestine. We make use of texts by Yehiel Bril, founder and editor of the first Hebrew newspaper in Palestine, The Lebanon (1863) and Eliezer Ben Yehuda, founder of the Modern Hebrew press in Palestine since 1884. In 1878, Bril wrote a text as a letter to a friend, analyzing “communal problems” of Jerusalem. In this text and another one written three years later, the observations of Bril, are more sympathetic to the Sephardim, although he also knows how to qualify his praise. In 1883, Bril visited Palestine again and found new comparisons of Sephardic and Ashkenazi characteristics. During the visit of Bril in Palestine, another top Hebrew journalist was already there. The newcomer, Eliezer Ben-Yehuda, the renovator of Hebrew language, created his own press “Empire” in Jerusalem. Ben-Yehuda, native of Russia, expressed already its preference to Sephardic pronunciation of Hebrew language, but in his writings, he enlarges the “Sephardic superiority” (however, mixed with “orientalist” approach) also to other stereotypical personal and social characteristics. It appears that communal tensions existed already in the 19th century. The stereotypes existed, although their contents were not always similar to those of today. However, the communal identity was supposed to merge into a national identity. Nevertheless, identity, as Habermas urges, “is not something given, but also, and simultaneously, our own project”. There is apparently no clear agreement on such a project, even in Israel and the Jewish World of our days.
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The review of: Janko Pleterski: Dr. Ivan Šušteršič 1863-1925. Pot prvaka slovenskega političnega katolicizma. Založba Znanstvenoraziskovalnega centra Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti, Ljubljana 1998, 500 strani.
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The review of: Egon Pelikan: Akomodacija ideologije političnega katolicizma na Slovenskem. Založba Obzorja, Maribor 1997, 152 strani. (Dokumenta et studia historiae recentioris 12).
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The author has attempted, by means of a comparative analysis of the first and the second edition, as well as the German translation of Edvard Kardelj’s treatise, to establish the basic differences in the relevant section of the text and to analyse them with regard to the individual categories, such as the social origin and aims of the Cristian Socialist movement, the views on co-operative societies, dr. Krek’s national programme, the involvement of the movement in Slovene bourgeois policy. Drawing on literature, the author describes the social and political circumstances at the time the first edition was written, dealing also with the question of an appropriate characterization of the Christian Socialist movement.
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The author discusses, on the basis of numerous archive sources and newspaper data, the viewpoints an the national question of Janez Evangelist Krek, one of the main clerical politicians in Slovenia before the First World War. To a large extent, there is also a consideration of the policy of the Slovene clerical party in general, not only that of Krek or only concerning the national question.
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The treatise is an analysis of the confrontation and the dialogue between the communists and the Christian socialists in Slovenia in the period between the two World Wars. The dialogue was the result of the specific political circumstances in the Slovene labour movement and cleared up some of the fundamental issues in terms of the formation of the United Labour Front (on revolution, on the position of religious followers in socialism, on political pluralism, on economic management, on democracy, individual freedom, etc.).
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The European Union came into being in 1993, under the Treaty of Maastricht signed in the previous year. Its creation was a result of a long process of European integration which was achieved mostly in its economic and social dimensions. Currently, the emphasis seems to be placed on the political character of the union, as demonstrated by the growth and strengthening of the range of its institutions. However, what escapes our attention is the spiritual integration, which should become the foundation of any attempts at unification. This is because the nature of integration is not only economic and political, but, above all, spiritual; though we should remember that it cannot be brought about at the expense of quashing our cultural, religious and ethnic differences (Muszyński H.J., 2002, p. 28.46–48).
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S prvim prodorima partizanskih jedinica, a potom i uspostavom komunističke vlasti, položaj Katoličke Crkve u Hercegovini, u odnosu na prethodno razdoblje, znatno je izmijenjen. Naime, s državnoga aspekta, Crkvi je pripisivan ne samo vjerski, nego i “nacionalni grijeh”, odnosno njezina “naklonjenost” uspostavi neovisne hrvatske države. Rezime ovako postavljenog odnosa u ratnom i poslijeratnom razdoblju, kada je riječ o dijecezanskom svećenstvu hercegovačkih biskupija, očitovao se u brojci od 14 smrtno stradalih svećenika. Cilj rada je razmotriti društveno-političke okolnosti njihova stradanja, te rasvijetliti utemeljenost izrečenih im, ili pak, nikada nenapisanih presuda koje su uglavnom počivale na optužbama za suradnju s “državnim neprijateljem” ili nesklonosti ideji jugoslavenskoga “bratstva i jedinstva” koju je propagirao partizanski pokret, a potom i kasnija komunistička vlast.
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Izlaganje na konferenciji „Doprinos religijskih zajednica europskom putu BiH“ u Sarajevu 27. 11. 2018.
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Disintegration of Yugoslavia was determined by a complex set of internal and external factors, the most important of which was the separatism of several constitutive nations. Yugoslavia suffered from a fatal asymmetry from its very' beginning. While Serbia and Montenegro passed through a stage of nation-state in Nineteenth century and were ready for a supra-national community, Croatia and Slovenia lost their independence before 1102 and lived for centuries under Austro-Hungarian Empire. Building independent nation-states became for them a top priority goal, overriding all other political, economic and cultural interests.
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It is not possible to reduce the heritage of the Socialist system to the restoration of the historical justice through the restitutions and to the constitutional definition of the principles of the Church-state relationships. During the first 10-15 years after the fall of the communist regimes, these problems were recognized and solved in most of the post-Soviet countries at the legislative level. By the time of the collapse of the socialist system, the Russian Orthodox Church (hereinafter the ROC) and the Roman Catholic Church of Poland (hereinafter the RCC) had different institutional and intellectual resources. The Catholic Church in Poland was a powerful national institution with a developed infrastructure. The position of the Russian Orthodox Church was fundamentally different. The key problem for it was the restoration of the church infrastructure that was almost completely destroyed by the Soviet authorities.
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This article concerns the assessment of the Bolshevik anti-religious policy in two key periods of the history of the Orthodox Church in Russia in the 20th century. The first period was the Nazi occupation, which in many ways lifted the self-censorship of the clergy and believers: the representatives of the clergy could openly and without embarrassment speak out about the Bolsheviks and their religious policies and give a moral assessment of the pre-war tragedy. The representatives of the episcopate and of the ordinary priesthood began to oppose Bolshevism, some due to their own career motives, some due to their convictions.
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Tikėjimo mokslo kongregacija, išklausiusi Popiežiškosios pasauliečių tarybos nuomonę, nusprendė paskelbti šią Notą dėl katalikų veiklos ir elgesio politiniame gyvenime kai kurių klausimų. Nota skirta Katalikų Bažnyčios vyskupams ir ypač katalikų politikams bei visiems tikintiems pasauliečiams, pašauktiems dalyvauti demokratinių visuomenių viešajame ir politiniame gyvenime. [...]
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The issue of Islamic government, or generally government, within the framework of religious texts and lecturing was actualised, with certain tendencies, during the aggression on B&H in nineties and in the years that immediately followed, primarily through the texts of foreign authors, but also through the lectures of foreign religious lecturers who saw B&H as a fertile land where they can offer their “original” interpretation of Islam along with their theories regarding the issue of the Islamic government. Within such un-institutionalised interpretations of Islam there are examples that offer evidence that such missionary activities of certain individuals and groups have aims at revitalising the Islamic government in the world, as well as in B&H and to jeopardise legitimate laws brought within democratic systems. An important issue of such missions is active and passive participation in elections.
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