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The paper raises the issue of age-based marginalization reoccurring in political discourse produced by political elites in the time of the pandemic crisis. Discursive identity of the elderly population in a central European post-election spacetime is under focus, within a framework of theories of discourse in crisis. Lexicometric analysis of core media coverage of political discourse in Slovakia carried out upon the corpus of mainstream electronic press and a reading of its results is the objective of the empirical part of the study. The scope is to put forward a critical insight into short-term evolution of dominant vocabulary item series and into collocation patterns stressing the connotative features of prominent elements of discourse co-created by political and mediatic actors. The results show recurrent denomination practices with a strong tendency towards negative connotative load of dominant label words. Individual and group identities deserve to be further studied as socially undermined discursive constructs accessible through selected discrete elements.
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In this paper, we analyse the language game “the journalist as a socio-political worker”, which was the professional label for journalists’ action in the former socialist Yugoslavia. The text is divided into two main parts. The first part uses a historical-conceptual method to analyse the mentioned formulation in normative texts, covering programmatic and engaged texts produced at the time. This approach seeks to enter into the meaning of the term from the inside, into the pulse and spirit of the time, and above all to understand what its creators wished to achieve and communicate with this expression. We find that journalism and the journalist’s action as a socio-political worker were understood as an important political factor, as a political force on one hand contributing to the development and implementation of a new socio-political order, i.e., a socialist community based on self-management and, on the other hand, the journalist who through their own products tried to influence the broader consciousness of the masses, as manifested through the idea of the education for the new man: the self-manager. The second part of the paper complements the first since through the qualitative method of in-depth semi-structured interviews with former journalists who had been professionally active in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and via their recollections, we continue to internally reconstruct the meaning, understanding and use of the formulation at that time. In particular, we observe the relationship with politics that the concept essentially contains. Empirical analysis thus led us to different conclusions: some interviewees (the minority) described the term affirmatively, that the journalist as a sociopolitical worker had a special mission, while most approached the use and meaning of the expression with a critical distance, namely, that the journalist as a socio-political worker was harnessed to the needs of daily politics and thereby seen as non-autonomous in their labour and actions.
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The significance of the term Big Data has evolved rapidly over the last decade. Starting with Moore's Law, which emphasizes the constant doubling of computer processing capacity (Crawford, Miltner, and Gray, 2014), the subject of Big Data seems to be very different tomorrow from what it is today. The Big Data economy is developing and is a disruptive (disruptive) force for our world (Maranca, 2020), changing the society in new ways. For example, Harari (2018) underlines the human beings will change more in the next hundred years than they have in all of their previous existence. The combination of biotechnology and artificial intelligence (AI) may enable some people to be digitally enhanced, transforming what being human means. As this happens, concepts of life, consciousness, society, laws, and morality will need to be revised. This can be explained by the fact that Big Data promises to solve any problem just by restricting and interpreting the data.
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The purpose of this paper is to draw attention to the important issue of the use of immersive media in political communication. This article serves as an adumbration of this vast subject. On one hand the author presents the issues connected with the use of holograms in the electoral campaigns – promoting the image of specific politicians. On the other hand, 3D holographic images are used in political protests of citizens. In addition to these considerations, the author points out the use of holograms in commercial activities and entertainment business. The author points out that the development of immersive media: vision and location-based media, is a natural path of development of interactive communication channels in the public sphere immersed by media – MediaPolis. Additionally, it raises questions about the ethical dimension of using this technique in political communication.
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The aim of this experiment was to test the public opinion in a situation of information manipulation. In a geographically determined area, to the participants in experimental group it is told that online research about pre-elections results’ have showed a confirming of the current major of their city/town. The control group had no information about prediction of elections at all. The result of manipulation with information about pre-elections results’ clearly showed that a social influence may be a crucial in the choosing process and that a one is led by the majority in everyday choices, including voting behaviors as well as Bandwagon effect could have a strong influence on the political conformity.
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We live in a media spectale society, where politics in Bosnia and Herzegovina have become a real show business. Estradation of politics is originally an American phenomenon, which was accepted by many western European countries, and subsequently by other countries, including Bosnia and Herzegovina, after United Kingdom. Instead of real political action, that is, working for the common good and the well – being of citizens, we are seeing an increasing interest in the media and public interest in the private lives of politicians. The media seems to be the most fond of reporting on politically ephemeral trivia, affairs and scandals from the private lives of politicians. Estradization, or as it is often called, the Hollywoodization of politics, is a phenomenon that refers to the increasing openness and willingness of politicians to promote certain elements of their private lives in order to achieve certain political goals or to collect political points. The global trend of politicization has continued with the advent of Donald Trump, the current US president, who was elected mainly by the US media, who gave him utmost attention and publicity which he, himself provoked with his statements and behavior. Another important aspect of political estradization is the increasing banalization and silence in policy reporting or the increased incentive of the media to break into the lives of politicians and deliver trivial content to the public. In a global media culture, obsessed with popular celebrities, politicians have the same treatment as musical stars. Bosnia and Herzegovina is not exempt from this kind of media – political concept in which politicians oftentimes present themselves as musical stars.
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This paper examines the public political discourses used by Željko Komšić and Boriša Falatar in their political campaigns as the Croat candidates battling for presidency in the 2018 elections in BiH, along with their main similarities and differences. The focus of comparative analysis and discourse analysis was placed on the political background of each candidate, their rhetorical tools and the major themes of the speeches candidates held during the campaigns. The research shows that the two candidates portrayed particular similarities in their approach, such as their use of ethos and the importance of EU integration, but also certain differences: their second rhetoric, reason for candidacy and attitude towards regional influence.
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The front pages of the newspapers have an impact on the society. The first pages, which are effective in determining the agenda of the public, are important for newspapers. At this point, the ideology of the newspaper and its relations with the government draw attention as the main factors in the news. Due to this structure, some news remain on the agenda more, while some events and people are reported and kept on the agenda to a lesser extent. In this research, it was examined how the news about Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was reported on the first page of the newspapers on national holidays. The newspapers; BirGün, Cumhuriyet, Evrensel, Hürriyet, Karar, Milli Gazete, Milliyet, Posta, Sabah, Sözcü, Türkgün, Türkiye, Yeni Akit, Yeni Şafak, Yeniçağ were examined. In the research, it is aimed to reveal how the news about Atatürk is shaped on national holidays. The study was limited by examining the issues published in 2021. This aspect is important because it determines the approach of national newspapers on national holidays. Content analysis method was used in the study. In the research, it was seen that the newspapers published a total of 125 content in various locations and formats, and in this respect, they allotted a large place to Atatürk on national holidays. Newspapers included 45 photographs about Atatürk. In addition, they reported 39 news from the subhead. On the other hand, it was concluded that the ownership structures, political relations, ideological stances of the examined newspapers were effective on the contents of Atatürk.
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Discursive power is apprehended from the definition of institutional power given in John Searle's theory of the construction of social reality on the basis of the deontic apparatus developed in his theory of rationality in action. A distinction is made between two types of discursive powers: illocutionary power and perlocutionary power. The analysis of these two types of powers is carried out according to the Searlean classification of illocutionary acts and the categorization of their conditions of accomplishment. The two main generative factors of discursive power are then highlighted: the speaker's status of authority or of some other ascendancy and his capacity to perform an action, as well as the necessary reaction of the addressee to a condition of accomplishment of the illocutionary acts. The analysis finally leads to a general framework for the exercise of discursive power according to three fundamental features: discursive power is localized, it is organized in a structured illocutionary power and in a conditional perlocutionary power.
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Hungary’s democratic backsliding demonstrates that the Cold War era notion that more access to information will accelerate the spread of democracy is dying. For authoritarians, social media enabled disinformation is the weapon of choice because it challenges democratic institutional legitimacy. The popularity of the Sputnik V vaccine in Hungary indicates that, before Russia’s invasion of Ukraine Russian influence was growing in the EU’s backyard. By exploiting social, political, and economic inequalities in Hungary, Russia disinformation facilitated Victor Orban’s consolidation of power ahead of the April 2020 elections. Democracies should adopt a new paradigm of state power projection that views robust domestic institutions as the way to confront the issue of social media enabled disinformation. Democracy’s most effective weapon against disinformation is institutional legitimacy, socio-economic equality, and public participation in government.
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Although the QAnon movement is regarded as an extreme right-wing movement whose members have exposed conspiracy theories apparently unrelated to the Christian religion, scientific research and journalistic investigations of the phenomenon have revealed that some of the movement’s adherents are religious people, members of Christian parishes or congregations in the United States of America or in other countries where the phenomenon has spread. This article will highlight the appropriation of QAnon conspiracy theories by members of some Christian churches or congregations, beliefs viewed with concern by the pastors of the respective religious communities, who are sounding the alarm regarding the development of religious feelings based on biblical precepts combined with QAnon conspiracy theories. The use of scientific tools, such as conducting opinion polls in highlighting the trend of the phenomenon, has revealed that the number of those who adopt the QAnon conspiracy theories is increasing, in just four months, from February to June 2022, the number of Americans who believe in these theories has increased by over three million.
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During 1991, the security services of Bosnia and Herzegovina began to monitor the telephone conversations of high-ranking officials of the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS). These recorded conversations reveal part of the truth to the preparations for the war and the genocide that followed. Intercepted conversations also show the connections that Serbian officials in Bosnia and Herzegovina had with Belgrade, that is, with Slobodan Milošević and other officials of the Yugoslav leadership. These conversations were recorded until the beginning of the aggression, that is, until they left the territory of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in March and April 1992, by persons whose phones were tapped. This paper will deal with conversations that were recorded in the period from May 1991 to March 1992. One of the most common topics of these conversations was the issue of Islam, that is, the thematization of terms such as „Islamic Republic“, „Islamic Declaration“, „Islamic way of life“, „Islamic fundamentalism“, etc. The paper shows how the Serbian political elite used this terminology to instill fear in public opinion, but to a certain extent they also believed that an increased birth rate would lead to the establishment of a Muslim-majority state. For the purposes of writing this paper, research was done on primary sources, i.e. transcripts of intercepted conversations. The transcripts were used as evidence by the Prosecutor's Office of the Hague Tribunal during the trial of high-ranking Serbian officials. In addition to the research, sorting and analysis of the transcripts, this paper will also identify the most prominent participants in the conversation of the Serbian leadership. Also, given the aforementioned specificity of telephone conversations through their private nature, it is possible to dissect important topics in the conversations, which are often not military and political, and will contribute to finding additional answers. This makes these conversations even more important because they show a more intimate side of the genocidal strategist. Participants such as high-ranking officials Slobodan Milošević, Radovan Karadžić, Biljana Plavšić, Nikola Koljević, Momčilo Krajišnik, Dobrica Čosić and others, shows what and how those at the top thought in their private telephone conversations in those days in 1991 and 1992. On the other hand, through the conversations, one can see how well the SDS leadership managed the situation on the ground. Low-ranking figures who performed various political and social tasks such as Todor Dutin, director of the SRNA, Rajko Dukić, president of the SDS Executive Committee and a local strongman in Milići appear in the conversations; Vojo Kuprešanin, member of the Main Board of SDS and a key man in Krajina; Vitomir Žepinić, Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs of Bosnia and Herzegovina; Radoslav Brđanin, head of the Autonomous Region of Krajina, Zvonko Bajagić, a prominent member of the SDS in Vlasenica, Gojko Đogo, writer and essayist, a close friend of Karadžić, Momčilo Momo Mandić, Deputy Minister of Internal Affairs of Bosnia and Herzegovina and later wartime Minister of Justice of the so-called „Republic Serbian“,; Trifko Komad, head of Radovan Karadžić's Cabinet and member of the SDS Main Board and many others. Also, what is important to mention is the visible 'radicalization' of the participants in the talks. As the political situation on the ground worsened, hate speech and threats became more frequent and serious. This paper aims to further approach this important topic of intercepted conversations and to popularize its greater use in scientific research works. With the advancement of technology and means of communication, the primary sources for research are slowly shifting and taking on a new look. Thus, this paper also tries to analyze these intercepted conversations to give some insight into the complexity of understanding the genocidal intentions of the Bosnian Serb leadership.
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Review of: Vjerodostojnost medija: Doba lažnih informacija, ur. Zarfa Hrnjić Kuduzović, Milica Kulić i Jelena Jurišić, Filozofski fakultet Univerziteta u Tuzli, 2019.
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Many philosophers and sociologists such as Kant, Hegel, Mill, Marx, Arendt, Habermas, Heidegger, Häberle and others write about the public. France Vreg considers the public to be statistically defined social strata, while Philip Kotler defines it as any group that has acurrent or potential interest or influence on the organization's ability to achieve its goals. Jürgen Habermas, the author of one of the most significant studies on the public, defines the concept of the public by placing emphasis on private citizens gathered in the public audience. Relevant scientific literature mentions a whole range of public spheres. In addition to the political public sphere, there are also cultural, scientific and sports public spheres, then the local public, the world public, the internal public audience, the media public audience, the voting public shpere, the parties public sphere, the active public, the qualified public audience, the expert public audience, the general and the partial public audience. The public sphere will be divided depending on which criterion is applied, whether according to the subject, or the way of communication, or the communication space or the specificity of the audience.
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This paper focuses on propaganda as a form of one-sided, manipulative communication. We are exposed to various types of manipulation every day. Given that every form of manipulation involves some kind of interest, it is necessary then to tackle the very core of the issue i.e., to clarify the ways in which propaganda works to implicitly reach predetermined and desirable goals. Propaganda, as one of the communicative aspects of manipulation, has got an extremely complex content value and therefore the strongest influence on communication. It is important to note that communication as a category related to propaganda is, as such, mostly considered at the level of social groups, communities and the public. Propaganda communication, therefore, affects public opinion and can change the very course of communication. This paper aims to describe the relationship between propaganda and communication first, while correlating them to some other, similar concepts, such as informing. Further in the paper, we focus on the idea of propaganda as a planned and organized form of manipulation. In the final part, propaganda is considered within a broader framework of communication.
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Review of: Enes Osmančević, Adis Šušnjar, Integritet novinara i transparentnost medija u Bosni i Hercegovini, Transparency Interntional, Sarajevo, 2021.
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Being ethical leader is not as easy as other job. There are a lot of challenges but I always believe that if there are a lot of challenges there are a lot of solutions too. If we understand that how to properly and ethically communicate with our subordinates we can understand their problems easily. Communication starts with listening. Ethical leader has to be good listener. If we know how to use our team member,s capabilities properly we can find way to success easily.
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The article takes a diachronic look at feminatives in the Polish language from the sixteenth century to the present day. The authors recall the history of female forms in the language. Referring to pre-war journalism, discussions in the journal Poradnik Językowy [The Linguistic Guide] and the propaganda lexis of communist Poland, they prove that female forms are not foreign to the Polish language. They create a comprehensive list of reasons why feminatives have disappeared from Polish, taking account of both intra-linguistic and extra-linguistic factors. The authors refer to examples from contemporary media and public discourse to show gender asymmetry in the language and the mechanisms of its operation. The article ends with an attempt to find a solution to the current situation based on the practices of the Polish feminist community and English-speaking communities.
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