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Polityka wrażenia we współczesnych Włoszech: casus Ruchu Pięciu Gwiazd
The article raises the issue of the connection between the political agenda of the Italian Five Star Movement (Movimento 5 Stelle) and the performative gestures and actions of its spokesman and leader, former comedian Beppe Grill. After a brief introduction outlining Grill’s path from theatricality to politics, the article shows how he consciously uses his body as a means of certifying the truth of the words he speaks. All this leads to the conclusion that, considered as a whole, including his body, Grill expresses a commitment that is more than merely a means of impressing voters. It is also an incentive for them to take personal responsibility for the fate of their own country, which is expressed in the main point in the movement’s programme: moving away from representative democracy towards a citizen’s democracy.
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The main focus of this article is to provide analysis of the discursive production of reference points of state apparatuses (more specifically: Police, Ministry of the Interior and Security Information Service). The argumentation base of this paper consists mainly of data analysis and interpretation. Data pool for this effort consists in teleport of analytically relevant parts of official websites that belong to the selected parts of state apparatuses. I try to provide interpretation of data in accordance to the dispositive of penal legitimacy. As main methodological tool is utilized critical discourse analysis. In accordance to critical discourse analysis, I was mainly concerned with the level of discourse production. More specifically, I was concerned with analysis, of how is created the discourse of penality in relation to state apparatuses.
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The goal of the research was to analyse the development of the idea of the public service broad-casting (PSB) in Lithuania as one of Post-Soviet countries that restored its independence in 1990. The Lithuanian case serves in revealing the great variety of ways to interpret the idea of the PSB, the possibilities to manipulate various notions, and the way the fate of the PSB can be affected by politicians and competing business groups. In this research we distinguished the following stages of the PSB concept formation in Lithuania: the first debates (the development of legislative basis), and attempts of influence – the so-called depoliticisation, decommercialisation, and optimization. In order to achieve it, we ana-lysed the Lithuanian legislation and its amendments, parliamentary discussions, and press publications. We also compared the Lithuanian PSB concept with the Western perception. It was concluded that despite of the official declarations about further limiting the interference with the national service broadcaster, there actually were the attempts of influence and politicisation. Politicisation by depoliticising. In pursuit of changing the Lithuanian Radio and Television (LRT) management the procedure of LRT Council formation was changed in 1996-1997: representatives were delegated by 15 creative and public organisations. The principles of public organisations selection have been criticised. Politicisation by de-commercialising. In 2000-2002, the LRT was criticised because of its commercialisation and non-performance of its mission. It was intended to develop a special funding system whereby the LRT should submit the Seimas with a funding plan and evidences justifying that the anticipated programmes are in compliance with the national mission. Introduction of such amendments could pose a risk of direct political interference with the LRT management and formation of the programme content. Politicisation by optimising. In 2009-2010 the attempts were made to radically reform the LRT management. The criticism related to linkage of the LRT Council members mandate with the political calendar, possibility of recalling the Council members by the delegating institutions and organisations, and the right of the Seimas Committee to approve or reject the strategy of the LRT programming. In 2014, a new financing model of the LRT has been developed, following which the LRT in 2015 discontinued broadcasting the commercial ads (except for certain established cases). The LRT financing is known in advance and calculated on the basis of the budget revenue and excise duty collection results of a preceding calendar year.
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Through a case study analysis, this paper applies crisis communication theories and models to investigate how the vocal disputes and ownership controversies over the biggest Polish mobile operator were handled by Polish and international corporations. It specifically addresses such issues as necessity (or lack thereof) of maintaining open and unlimited communication with media and through media in crises, significance of media and their use by all parties involved, the role of the PR advisors during a major corporate conflict, and a self- bounded nature of communication during serious corporate controversies. The paper is aimed at bridging the gap between PR theory and practice, mainly by advising businesses how to handle crises and conflicts. The last notion on discrepancy between PR theory and practice is also based on an experience of the author, an academic and a seasoned PR practitioner, who participated in several crisis communication programs, including the one described in the study.
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In this essay, the research attention turns to some of the general characteristics of the campaign for presidential elections in Serbia, the topics and issues that presidential candidates launched, which are part of the general framework of the election campaign. The author points out that one of the key characteristics of a short campaign is its negative character, despite claims that all participants had a constructive positive campaign. Compared to the previous presidential election in 2012, the essay needs to offer an answer to the question if during the presidential election of 2017. same topics were actualized, and if so, whether they are brought to life only for the purpose of promotion of the presidential candidates and further strengthening of their credibility. In order to understand the wider context of the elections, at the beginning of the essay have been shown the pre-election situation and calculations between presidential candidates so that there can be created adequate election strategy and defining election bid.
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This study examines the use of Facebook in political communication during the 2009 European Parliament elections campaign. Its goal is to explore the possibilities of the European Parliament communication strategy on Facebook as well as the interaction and participation of its online audiences. The analysis has discovered new concepts significant for the field of online political advertising, the specific campaign construction with its key themes and the particular form of interaction. The original contribution of this paper is seen in its efforts to reveal the campaign of the European Parliament on Facebook, which was not previously studied.
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In this paper, we analyze and explain the importance of critical thinking for the proper functioning and development of democracy in contemporary society. The starting point is Habermas' concept of communicative action, which emphasizes the importance of genuine participation of citizens in the process of mutual discovery, negotiation and formulation of public interest. In this frame of reference, we explore specific abilities, skills and dispositions that are to be developed in order to strengthen the democratic capacities of society. Critical thinking skills, especially argumentation and evaluation of arguments, are recognized as a basic prerequisite for a rational and competent citizen participation in democratic processes. Although necessary, they are not sufficient: to achieve mutual understanding, as the authentic goal of communicative action, the development of dialogical and reflective thinking is necessary, as well as the cultivation of intellectual values that constitute a critical attitude. Affirmation of emancipatory, versus purely instrumental rationality, requires the systematic cultivation of critical consciousness and participatory models of behavior, especially among young people. Only the development of all these critical thinking constituents can contribute to realizing the democratic potential of public debate and rich information resources, as well as to overcoming the crisis of legitimacy of democracy, reflected in citizens’ skepticism towards democratic institutions and reduction of their participation in democratic process.
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Starting from the premise that the open political communication is an essential element of modern politics, the authors search for symbolic exchange of arguments, facts and information between Serbian state representatives and opposition, specially researching the role of daily papers and their importance in creating of political culture. The focus is on content discourse identification, whereby the ossification of the political communication process, one way and propaganda, from the top down, that is from government to citizens, is noticed by quantitative and qualitative analysis. New forms of narration reveal the dominant content: the text is changed by esthetical image, the critical depth – narcissistic surface, and firm argumentation and journalist research withdraw in front of marketing persuading, cheap entertainment and tabloidization. Daily papers in Serbia voluntarily cover themselves with golden dust of PR services and agencies, mediating the reality in which powerful elite and rich advertisers live, but not ordinary impoverished, looking ahead into the future people. Hence, there is increasingly evident decline in circulation; instead of being public “Argus eye”, press is more and more a bulletin board of political parties and undercover tycoons, ground for slandering and discrediting political rivals. The referential political frame is created behind the public coulisse, thus it may be concluded that the Serbian society is still far from participating democracy model, with comprehensive citizen’s participation who by the process of free opinion forming and will change community for the purpose of common good.
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Basic theoretical orientation of this article is observation of the notion of public as socio-cultural space, and as specific temporary way of social communication and organization. Observation is organized in such way that can include analyzes of particular aspects of relation between public and media audience, and relations between public and culture. In this article is incorporated, and connected with notion of public, specific interpretation of discourse and social power. Controversy related to this problem is theoretical depart in basic approach of the social power of the public, on one hand (Habermas observation of power related to public discourse) and to the power relation in public communication, dominant discourse in public sphere, on the other (M. Fukos s observations of discourse power). We have also incorporated theoretical approach of V. Price, which is focused in connection of two level of analyzes: individual and collective processes of cognition and decision making/ formation of public opinion, in kontekst of analyzing process of social communication.
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Russians and Westerners access, process and communicate information in different ways. Whilst Westerners favour detailed analysis of subject matter, Russians tend to focus on certain components that are, in their view, significant. This disparity makes it difficult to achieve constructive dialogues between Western and Russian stakeholders contributing to cross-cultural communication problems. The author claims that the difference in the ways Russians and Westerners negotiate information is a significant cultural difference between Russia and West rather than an irritating (and in principle amenable) lack of analytical skills on the Russian partners’ part. Understanding the reasons behind the Russian-specific approaches to dealing with information would be a positive step towards a more effective crosscultural communication, important in business situations and essential in diplomacy.
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The main goal of this article is to present the attitude of authorities of Polish People’s Republic towards the southern extension of the European Community of Spain and Portugal between 1962 and 1986. In this article, among other things, the classified correspondence between the Polish diplomats who were allocated to posts in Rome, Madrid and Paris, and the fourth department of Polish People’s Republic’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, has been presented. Those materials showed the Polish estimated assessment of a long and complicated process of adaptability of both Iberian countries to the requirements of the European Community. This article has also presented the responses of the Polish press (i.e. Trybuna Ludu, Życie Warszawy, Polityka)to the cooperation of both countries and EWG.
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Vedrana Rudan, a Croatian writer, publicist, and blogger, has become a famous public person, thanks to her constant presence in different media. Her strategies are presented in the paper as a conscious branding. It means that the writer tries to be present not only in the literary field, but successfully uses different channels of communication, in order to gain public recognition. Main ways of writer’s communication are discussed in the paper, among them: a blog, social media, TV performances, and author sessions. The paper argues that Rudan are not an example of celebrity, but her drive to recognition is related more with an ideological involvement, very close to the idea of social responsibility of intellectuals. Her strategies aim to influence the audience, create an emotional community and protest against the political reality in Croatia.
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The paper presents ambiguity phenomena in terms of cognitive categorization and blending processes. Politicians’ manifesto speeches are analysed based on Lakoff’s and Langacker’s semantics and Langacker’s grammar research investigation, resulting in describing ambiguity phenomena more as the sender’s or receiver’s mental concepts than as a linguistic property of the message. Moreover, cognitive points of view in the research on ambiguity reveals its multileveled nature due to the polysemic nature of mental categories or blends.
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The less we question the technical and semiotic properties of the so-called social media, the more oblivious we remain to their political agency. The media transformations, which occurred in China at incredible speed and depth, must lead us to question the ways in which ‘new media’ affect the sites and forms of power. This article offers a reading into the economic and theoretical dynamics of what is commonly referred to as the ‘Chinese Internet’. Its history is marked by strategic attempts to shape, constrain and leverage social visibility. Thus, the author uses the notion of computerized media and invokes Hannah Arendt’s conception of visibility to describe what appears in China to be a new form of globalized media capitalism.
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Communication and leadership are interconnected and conditioned as it is not possible to manage the organization without communicating, and vice versa. Communication skills are critical to the success of leadership; first to establish a good relationship and then to make an impact on the environment. Successful leadership, especially in politics, requires good communication skills in internal and external, as well as in verbal and nonverbal communication.Communication is one of the most important segments of each political party and political activism ingeneral. Among the main goals which the political parties are trying to accomplish is gaining politicalpower or taking participation in government. The way in which they accomplish the main goals ofobtaining the sympathies and public trust (voters) in order to win the public affection of their programs, ideas and attitudes, is through quality communication and public relations. The expertise in convincing public is nonexistent if there is no quality in the communication of the political parties’ leaders.Therefore, special attention is given to the analysis of communication of political leaders, as well as to the communicational aspects as a qualifying factor of political leadership by which the public support is obtained. In speaking, except for the words, the message is comprised of two other components: the voice and use of the body. Nonverbal expression complements verbal communication without spoken words.One of the typical features of political leaders is the style of nonverbal communication. It is determined by differentiating and specifying characteristic paralinguistic aspects of speech, as well as by combination, the degree and direction of nonverbal articulation of individual physical expression. Based on function of political communication we are introduced to the characteristics of the following channels of nonverbal communication: paralinguistic - ways of using voice, facial expressions, body language and strategy of leaders’ display through communication by dressing, decorating the body and the use of artifacts.Therefore, we can say that the correct use of non-verbal communication by presenting the messagethrough the media has a positive effect on the admissibility of political leaders’ style. This hypothesiscan be proved by analyzing the contents of the statements given by the political parties’ leaders in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the media. The paper will use the methods of scientific description and structural analysis of the content of media statements of political parties’ leaders who participate in the government of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The paper will show whether nonverbal communication proves significant for individual leaders and to what extent. It will also show whether proper use of nonverbal communication while making a statement by selected media channels positively affects the admissibility of political leaders’ style. The aim of the work is exploration of the modalities of nonverbal communication as a key determinant of effective political communication which establishes leader’s positive image in the public. In that context, one of the goals of the paper is the study of the influence which quality nonverbal political communication makes on voters.The conclusion which is based on the research points at the role and importance of nonverbalcommunicational aspects which are correlated with the style of political leadership.
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International political communication can be seen as an auxiliary but also constitutive discipline of the International relations in the wider field of the Political science. At the very core of International relations is Political communication through which the most important actors of world politics realize political goals. This paper presents a short genesis of the development of the International political communication and relation to the International relations. The key terms have been defined, the most important theories have been given and today's global character of International communication has been highlighted. The changes in International politics were analyzed as the consequence of the information and communication revolution and the emergence of modern Information and communication technologies that change the very nature of International relations. An overview of the new communication technologies impact on the main actors (subjects/entities) of International relations was made, thus analyzing the impact of this factor on both state and non-state actors. We looked back at the impact of information and communication technologies on an individual who, thanks to the global communications network, became a real actor of world politics. There is also a section of the main theories of International relations and their relation to the challenges brought by the Informatics revolution (IT revolution) and the Digital age.
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All the previous works on the art of public speaking have investigated the verbal and nonverbal communication, style, gesture signs, posture, position of torso, leg movements, speaking in the context of time and space, etc. But the case of ignorance or poor knowledge of language of the country, whose head the politician is, has neither been investigated nor elaborated. And that is precisely the case with former Croatian Prime Minister Tihomir Orešković. The main intention of this paper is to determine what kind of impression the former Croatian Prime Minister Tihomir Orešković makes on the public in the context of lack of knowledge of the Croatian language. It also tried to find out his characteristics in public appearance and what impression they make on the public.In order to determine that, for the purpose of this paper we conducted in-depth interviews with experts in the field of social and human sciences that made a review of public appearance and impression that former Prime Minister Orešković made on general public. In order to quantitatively argue the answers obtained from in-depth interviews, we additionally conducted a survey where we examined the impression he made on respondents. For the purpose of additional argumentation the authors also analyzed the content in the form of transcripts of public appearances of former Prime Minister Orešković.
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This paper provides an analysis of representations of the refugees on the "Balkan route" in television images and news photographs. The aim of the paper is to identify how the refugees are represented in the country in which the refugee crisis is not politicized, and to examine how the refugees are represented in different modalities - static and moving images. The sample, consisting of 125 texts and television news stories, has been collected during seven days in March 2016 and in March 2017 from online editions of daily newspapers Blic and Politika, and from evening newscasts of Radio-television of Serbia and TV N1. The method of visual analysis is based on Kress and Van Leeuwen's visual grammar, and specifically on the analysis of visual topoi of representation. In terms of narrative patterns of representation we identify five topoi: drama, movement, receiving help, hygiene and play. Within conceptual patterns there are topoi of the family, children, loneliness, wire and symbolic otherness. More positive than in other countries, these visual representations are contradictory - although they call for compassion, they still construct otherness and the differences between "us" and "them".
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The technical, cultural, informational, scientific development, as well as a changed pattern of communication impose the need for the creation of national communication policies. The shaping of such a policy takes place under circumstances that involve demands for a democratization of culture, a disintegration of monopolies on radio diffusion, growth of mass media, a struggle for a new communication world order. To define a cultural and communication policy is a hard social task that requires precise positions with regard to aims and a frequently painful evaluation of the slate of society.
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