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Разкритията в политическата кампания за президентски избори 2016

Author(s): Rayna Dushkova / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 1/2017

The political campaign for the presidential and vice presidential election in the Republic of Bulgaria in October – November 2016 gives rise to research interest and is topical. The campaign discusses the messages of the candidates during their coverage in online media and social networks. Focus is placed on their disclosures in the media, as well as the specific political rhetoric on the part of the candidates regarding their opponents in the campaign. Based on a content analysis and using the descriptive approach, articles in the media and social networking publications are analyzed for the purpose of the specific study. The analysis aims to trace whether the specific disclosures for candidates remain as separate publications in a media or turn into political scandals that are effective enough to discredit a presidential and vice presidential candidate. It also aims to address the question of how much media attention is given to individual politicians, their characteristics and qualities, extracts from their biographies, or it focuses public attention on their political and management achievements. Do individual politicians have a key role and do they shun the parties, institutions and organizations from the focus of the media?

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Максими за учтивост в речите на Саад Ал-Харири и Франсоа Оланд относно бежанците

Author(s): Mohammed Abdulsada,Balsam Yacoub / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 2/2022

This study explores the politeness maxims implied in two refugee-centric speeches given by Lebanese prime minister Saad Al-Hariri and French president François Hollande. Drawing on Leech’s (1983) six-maxim politeness approach, the study aims at recognizing these maxims, describing their forms, and uncovering the intended purposes. The research, additionally, elaborates on sympathy as a key element in the pragmatic analysis of the two speeches sampled for analysis. To do so, a careful investigation of the words, phrases, and sentences is conducted so as to sort and highlight all sympathetic forms. Then, a brief comparison is made between the two speeches in terms of sympathy and politeness. To do so, a quali¬tative methodology is followed in the analysis, where frequencies are reached. First, the research intro¬duces the preliminaries of the study as to the definition of key terms, elaborates on politeness, draws on Leech’s politeness theory, and reviews a few related studies. Then, a sample of two speeches is chosen, analyzed, and investigated for politeness. Finally, the paper reaches a few conclusions and findings, in addition to some further studies. The paper finds that the two speeches under study are very sympathetic towards refugees and that the relevant references carry multiple forms of politeness maxims. The paper, also, reports a noticeable difference between the Arab discourse and the European discourse concerning refugees and their suffering.

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Stemming the Narrative Flow: the Legal and Psychological Grounding for The European Union’s Ban on Russian State-Sponsored Media

Author(s): Aiden Hoyle,Peter B.M.J. Pijpers / Language(s): English Issue: 11/2022

On 2 March 2022, in response to framed and anti-Western narratives surrounding the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the Council of the European Union legally banned two Russian state-sponsored media outlets, RT and Sputnik, within EU borders. The decision of the Council divided opinion. While the ban indeed limits the reach of these Russian ‘organs of influence’, it also infringes on fundamental human rights within the EU. It is therefore pertinent to scrutinise if the benefit of prohibiting the Kremlin’s antagonistic narration is worth the sacrifice of impeding fundamental principles of democracy. How proportional and how necessary is the ban? The current article assesses these questions from a psychological and legal perspective. It argues that while the decision to ban RT and Sputnik is legally sound, the justification for the decision would benefit from a more elaborate explanation of balancing the different (colliding) fundamental rights, not least since the disruptive effect of the RT and Sputnik narration is unsettled. Moreover, instead of a blanket ban, a less stringent and more nuanced approach could be more appropriate, affording the ability to appropriately sanction RT and Sputnik while remaining proportional and mitigating a possible backfire effect.

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Democracy, Power, and Our Failing Imaginations

Author(s): Paul Bell / Language(s): English Issue: 11/2022

A Review Essay by Paul Bell: Liberalism and Its Discontents Francis Fukuyama. London: Profile Books, 2022. Disorder: Hard Times in the 21st Century Helen Thompson. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022.

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Atmintis šeimoje: teoriniai aspektai ir buvusio režimo atminties perdavimo tyrimo įžvalgos

Author(s): Liucija Vervečkienė / Language(s): Lithuanian Issue: 3 (107)/2022

Difficult state-level questions of how to remember previous regimes are particularly linked with the „consumer“ side – specific areas of mnemonic socialization, such as families. A new generation raised during post-soviet transformations makes meaning of the recent past they have no direct or very limited experience of. This once again actualizes the questions of memory transmission within specific groups such as families initially analyzed in the case of memory of the crimes against humanity, mainly Holocaust. This article presents a theoretical overview of the factors to be kept mind in order to understand the remembering process within families: identification with the family memories, mnemonic socialization, loyalty relations, memory media and relation with the collective memory. Theoretical insights are supplemented by the empirical date of Lithuanian case (16 family conversations conducted in 2018–2020). Oldest members of the family still recall the beginning of the previous regime, parents were raised in it whereas the third family generation was educated with a strong state emphasis on the previous regime as occupation and repressions-based period of the past. Those family experiences failing to fall into the category of a victim become uncomfortable. A shadow of collaboration imposed by the collective memory level leads to silencing or justification of those family memories.

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MUSSOLINI ÎN SALA DE CLASĂ: PROPAGANDĂ FASCISTĂ ÎN ȘCOLILE ITALIENE DIN ROMÂNIA INTERBELICĂ (1922–1940)

Author(s): Georgiana Țăranu / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 25/2022

Mussolini’s Italy was interested in promoting the image of a great power and in exporting the Fascist ideology abroad, both in areas where there were communities of Italian emigrants, as well as in those that fell within the wider sphere of its strategic, regional interest. Romania fell into both categories: not only it also hosted small communities of Italians, but it was one of the states that figured for a time in the geopolitical vision of dictator Benito Mussolini as a possible ally to be evaded from French influence and turned towards Rome. Thus, the Fascist propaganda, carefully directed by the regime, was present in interwar Romania, especially in the second half of the 1930s, not only in the capital, but also in the territory. It used all the means at its disposal, but especially the cultural ones, given that political and diplomatic relations between the two states had a sinuous course, without any notable progress in the 1930s. In this context, the Italian schools in Romania became one of the essential levers through which Rome’s agents tried to project the image of a strong state and an attractive regime at a local level, infusing all courses and educational activities with elements of Fascist propaganda. By focusing on the careful selection of students and their results, on the way of teaching the Italian language, on the organization of the students’ free time after the fascist model and on extracurricular activities, the Italian schools have established themselves at the time as educational institutions attractive not only to Italians, but also for other inhabitants of the cities in which they operated. They thus became small tools of Fascist propaganda organized by Mussolini’s Italy in Southeast Europe in the second half of the 1930s.

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Weaponized information and democratic resilience

Author(s): Dan Roman / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

The virtual environment, represented mainly by social media, is being used more and more frequently and aggressively as a space for a new type of war, which uses information as a weapon. This essential change in the way war is conducted poses a considerable challenge to a democratic society, which must develop appropriate responses to the threats it faces, usually generated by an undeclared and especially invisible enemy.

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How the fake news and disinformation impact national security

Author(s): Vlad Ionuț Dumitrache,Brîndușa Maria Popa / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

s defense planning evolves and main defense planning documents are developed on the basis of emerging and new threats, the role of Media on both the internal and external environment rises. Innovative technology has meant the creation of social media, which in itself has become a distributer of shared information. This unprecedented flow of information has created an environment where real news and fake news are very difficult to tell apart. For security decision makers these is problematic as social pressure has to be mitigated if certain decisions necessary for achieving security goals and objectives are contested because of the spread of fake news. It is the aim of this paper to analyze by using the descriptive method how fake news have contributed to the impeding/ the implementation of decisions and assuring security measure in times of crisis. The case study that will be presented in the paper is that of the Covid-19 Pandemic and how measures to fight the pandemic have been affected by the spread of fake news. In the second part of the paper we will address means and ways by which the negative impact that media has on security and defense measures can be reduced and mitigated.

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Solving and managing moral dilemmas.

Author(s): Ella Magdalena Ciupercă,Victor Adrian VEVERA / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

The way individuals make choices when faced with moral dilemmas defines them, gives them coherence, authenticity, and contributes to their self-image. When they are attracted to opposite and incompatible directions, people make choices that are predominantly dependent on irrational elements and, very rarely, rationality becomes a working criterion. Morality, principles of conduct, truth, fairness can take on different connotations depending on the pressures of the situation. Traditional examples of professions that often face moral dilemmas are soldiers or intelligence officers. In this paper, we aim to detail the specifics of a new profession, which puts skills of the future in the service of crime or of the community good, weather in time of peace or war, analyzing the dyad hacking/ethical hacking. We will use the Anonymous Group as a case study, an ideology with a specific specificity, which in the context of the Russian - Ukrainian war can turn into a community resource or may turn hacktivism into a source of future anarchism in society.

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Digital governance in national security threat management

Author(s): Claudia Lascateu / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2022

Digital public policy and national security threat management are shifting at a pace that is hardly ever synchronized. Both areas of expertise require different sets of incentives to move in one direction, nonetheless for implementing successful digital transformation strategies it is required to adapt to a common responsible approach of the toolkit that new technology offers in national security threat prevention. This study is set to outline that digital governance in an intelligence service that also assumes a digital presence is mainly represented by the framework of responsibility where role definition and decision-making are put into action. Therefore, digital governance in a national security structure means it is invested with powers by the law but also can delegate specific executive authority given the plethora of scenarios that can occur in order to efficiently prevent incidents that can potentially disrupt the status quo. Hence, it will firstly be outlined what security stands for today in a syncretic analysis that binds the principles of good governance and human rights using the filter of innovation in technology. Secondly, the paper will navigate through digital strategy, digital policy and digital standards in order to build the importance of the role of managing security disruptions that are considered possible threats to national security. A digital maturity may have been reached in national security organizationally-wise, but threats developed in the processes of future technologies must be the subject of the discussion to strengthen the wellbeing of our society.

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От партокрация към медиакрация: медиите в сферата на политическото

Author(s): Galin Durev / Language(s): Bulgarian Issue: 3/2023

The article examines essential aspects of the development of the media, which led to relations of interdependence with the sphere of politics. Due to their nature, the most affected by this process are the political parties, encountering increasing difficulties in their adaptation to modern conditions. The main analysis is focused on the interference of the media in some basic functions of the parties, which adversely affects the development of representative democracy.

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Analiza strategiei de comunicare a Organizaţiei Tratatului Atlanticului de Nord pe reţeaua Twitter în perioada Februarie-Octombrie 2022

Author(s): Dimitroglo Vlada,Monela Elena Negrea / Language(s): Romanian Issue: 1/2022

This research paper seeks to analyze the communication strategy of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) on the Twitter network from February to October 2022. The research will focus on analyzing the tweets, the topics of discussion, the engagement rate, the types of media used, and the user interaction on the network. Additionally, the study will also review existing literature on the communication strategies of NATO on social media networks. The results of the analysis will provide insight into the effectiveness of the communication strategy of NAsTO on the Twitter network and will help to inform future strategies. The findings of this research will be useful to gain a better understanding of how NATO uses Twitter to communicate with its members and the public.

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Szansa dla Słowacji? Obraz wojny i nowego ładu w Europie w prasie słowackiej od września 1939 roku do niemieckiego ataku na ZSRS

Author(s): Bartłomiej Kucek / Language(s): Polish Issue: 5/2021

Celem powstania tego tekstu jest ukazanie obrazu wojny i nowego porządku w Europie prezentowanego w wybranych artykułach ze słowackiej prasy. W momencie wybuchu wojny Słowacja była młodym, autorytarnym państwem, które jeszcze budowało swoją politykę wewnętrzną i zewnętrzną. Wojna stanowiła nowy początek, który mógł zostać odpowiednio wykorzystany przez słowacką propagandę, co też się stało. Słowacja była de facto miejscem relatywnego spokoju w czasach wojennych niepokojów, co również wpływało na możliwości działania propagandy w prasie. Sytuacja względnego spokoju mogła być potwierdzeniem słuszności drogi obranej przez słowackie władze. Artykuł ukazuje także wizerunek Niemców oraz Adolfa Hitlera przedstawiany w słowackiej prasie, rywalizację między nazistowskim a konserwatywnym skrzydłem w łonie Słowackiej Partii Ludowej Hlinki, jak również sam obraz narodowego socjalizmu prezentowany na jej łamach. W charakterze źródeł wykorzystano słowackie gazety („Slovák”, „Slovák Pondelník” i „Gardista”). Doświadczenie wojenne Słowaków jest odmienne niż Polaków i wielu innych europejskich narodów, wobec czego temat ten jest zupełnie wyjątkowy i pozostawia wiele przestrzeni do dalszych badań.

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Agresja Niemiec na Polskę i działania propagandowe nazistów we wrześniu 1939 roku umożliwione przez Associated Press

Author(s): Norman Domeier / Language(s): Polish Issue: 5/2021

Wbrew temu, czego można by się spodziewać, dotychczas w badaniach historycznych nie poświęcono zbyt wiele uwagi aktywności zagranicznych korespondentów akredytowanych w Berlinie w okresie istnienia III Rzeszy. W centrum zainteresowania znajdowała się „druga strona dziennikarstwa”, czyli relacje państwo–społeczeństwo oraz aparat propagandy nazistowskich Niemiec i jego czołowe postacie, jak np. Joseph Goebbels. Jest to szczególnie zastanawiające, gdyż zagraniczni dziennikarze pracujący w Berlinie w znacznej mierze kształtowali postrzeganie narodowosocjalistycznych Niemiec na arenie międzynarodowej i istotnie przyczynili się do poszerzenia wiedzy o nich na całym świecie. Co więcej, mało kto dziś pamięta, że na początku II wojny światowej amerykańscy reporterzy towarzyszyli jednostkom wszystkich stron konfliktu, ponieważ Stany Zjednoczone pozostawały neutralne aż do grudnia 1941 roku. Artykuł prezentuje czołowych amerykańskich dziennikarzy pracujących w Berlinie – Louisa Lochnera (AP), Williama Shirera (CBS) i Sigrida Schultza („Chicago Tribune”) – którzy przez jakiś czas towarzyszyli oddziałom Wehrmachtu lub mieli możliwość na przełomie 1939 i 1940 roku pojechania do Polski pod nadzorem Niemców. Jak wyglądała ich praca? Co opisywali (a co pomijali) w swoich reportażach? Jaki wpływ ich teksty wywarły na północnoamerykańską i międzynarodową opinię publiczną? Wreszcie, w jakim stopniu wizyty organizowane przez niemieckie ministerstwo propagandy kształtowały ich audycje radiowe i artykuły? W nawiązaniu do mojego odkrycia archiwalnego z 2017 roku, które dotyczyło tajnej współpracy Associated Press z nazistowskimi Niemcami w latach 1942–1945, część artykułu będzie poświęcona amerykańskiemu dziennikarstwu fotograficznemu z lat 1939–1940.

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A Chance for Slovakia? The Depictions of War and the European New Order in Slovak Press between September 1939 and the German Invasion of the USSR

Author(s): Bartłomiej Kucek / Language(s): English Issue: 5/2021

The aim of the present article is to take a closer look at the war and the new European order as depicted in selected articles from Slovak press. On the outbreak of the Second World War, Slovakia was a young authoritarian state, which was still in the process of developing its internal and foreign policies. The war was a new beginning, which could be, and indeed was, taken advantage of by Slovak propaganda. Slovakia was effectively a place of relative stability in times of war trouble, which also affected how press propaganda operated. Relative peace could serve to validate the political choices of Slovak authorities. The article also analyzes the depictions of the Germans and Adolf Hitler in Slovak press, the rivalry between the Nazi and conservative wings in the Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party, as well as the narrative about national socialism as appearing in press articles. My sources are selected Slovak papers (“Slovák”, “Slovák Pondelník”, and “Gardista”). The Slovaks experienced the war in different fashion than the Poles and many other European nations did, which makes this subject unique and means that it lends itself to extensive further study.

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How The Associated Press Supported the Nazi Media Campaign During the German Attack on Poland In September 1939

Author(s): Norman Domeier / Language(s): English Issue: 5/2021

Contrary to what could be expected, relatively little attention has been given in historical research to the actions of foreign correspondents accredited in Berlin during the Third Reich. The focus has been on “the other side of journalism,” that is on the relations between the state and the people, as well as on Nazi Germany’s propaganda apparatus and its leading figures, such as Joseph Goebbels. This is particularly thought-provoking, as the foreign journalists working in Berlin made a major contribution to shaping the international perception of Nazi Germany and increasing global awareness of its nature and actions. What is more, it is largely forgotten these days that at the beginning of the Second World War, American reporters followed military units of all belligerents, since the United States was a neutral country up until December 1941. The article presents the top American journalists working in Berlin – Louis Lochner (AP), William Shirer (CBS) and Otto Tolischus (“New York Times”) – who for some time accompanied Wehrmacht units or had the opportunity of coming to Poland towards the end of 1939 or at the beginning of 1940, under German supervision. What did their work look like? What did they include in (and omit from) their reports? What impact did their texts have on the North American and international public? Finally, to what extent were their radio broadcasts and articles shaped by the trips arranged for them by the German Ministry of Propaganda? In the context of my 2017 archival discovery concerning the secret co-operation between the Associated Press and Nazi Germany in the years 1942–1945, part of the article will be devoted to American photographic journalism of 1939–1940.

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“Here, the Hungarian people will decide how to raise our children”: Populist rhetoric and social categorization in Viktor Orban´ ’s anti-LGBTQ campaign in Hungary

Author(s): Marton GERA / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2023

This paper analyzes how the Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orban uses social categorization and ´ populist rhetoric in an anti-LGBTQ campaign. Drawing on social identity theory and the scholarship on populist rhetoric and anti-LGBTQ politics, the article examines 46 interviews, press statements, public speeches, and op-eds by Orban. Using critical discourse analysis (CDA) and Wodak ´ ’s discourse-historical approach, it shows how the prime minister frames LGBTQ communities as an out-group that poses a threat to Hungarian values and way of living. Similar to the issue of immigration and existing anti-LGBTQ frames in other countries, Orban presents LGBTQ groups ´ within his well-established anti-Western narrative. In addition, he connects LGBTQ communities to other out-groups that have been portrayed as a threat for a long time. The study sheds new light on the linguistic strategies of Orban and shows how populist rhetoric and social categorization ´ complement each other in a political campaign.

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Rosyjska emigracja polityczna w XX i na początku XXI wieku

Author(s): BORIS SOKOŁOW / Language(s): Polish Issue: 1/2022

The article analyses the different waves of Russian political emigration in the 20th and 21st century and those organisational political forms that emerged in exile. The following aspects were included: the emigration of the opponents of the autocracy before 1917, the emigration of the opponents of the Bolsheviks between 1917 and 1922 and in the following years, the emigration of the opponents of the Bolsheviks at the end of World War II and the emigration after World War II. The subsequent topic is the period from the end of World War II until the collapse of the USSR, including Jewish emigration and the emigration of political dissidents, political emigration in Putin’s Russia, including a new wave of emigration after the start of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2022. Moreover, the fact that certain groups and prominent representatives of the emigration started returning to Russia and the nature of their activities in their homeland, as well as their activities in exile aimed at achieving specific political goals in Russia, are also discussed. The article also considers emigration activities in the media and forecasts the possible future development of emigration as well as the impact of ideas developed during emigration on the development of Russia, including contemporary Russia.

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VALUE CONSENSUS AND DISCREPANCY AMONG THE MAJOR ETHNOLINGUISTIC COMMUNITIES IN LATVIA: SURVEY DATA ANALYSIS

Author(s): Inese Šūpule / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2022

In this article, values are explored through the lens of differences and similarities in values and attitudes of the two major ethnolinguistic communities in Latvia. The paper examines the existence of a set of core values that is shared by (or at least equally widespread among) the Latvian and Russian-speaking communities in Latvia, as well as other values and attitudes that are still rooted primarily in people’s ethnic and/or linguistic self-identification. The value model used in the study is based on the model of Shalom Schwartz’s value theory (Schwartz 2012). The analysis is based on data from the European Social Survey (2019) and European Values Survey (2021). The data analysis has been performed within the project “Value (trans)formation in uncertain times: social cohesion and neoliberal ethos in Latvia” (Nr. lzp-2020/2-0068).

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PUBLIC DIPLOMACY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION IN THE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

Author(s): Adriana Camelia Tătar / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2023

This article aims to examine the theoretical and practical changes in the role of public diplomacy in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation and to analyze the modalities of action and political and social effects because of public diplomacy campaigns initiated in the relations between Russia and Ukraine in the immediate aftermath of the crisis in Ukraine since 2014. Specifically, the article analyzes the role of public diplomacy in relations between states and presents public diplomacy as an essential part of soft power until the 2014 Ukraine crisis.The research question is: what is Russia's message to the West and how is it conveyed? And to answer the question, qualitative research methods will be used: content analysis and evaluation of official documents and reports by the Russian and Ukrainian authorities. The importance of studying this issue stems from the fact that more and more countries have launched information campaigns in recent years, designed to contribute to foreign policy priorities, and the revelation of the paper is based on the changes that are taking place in the international arena, changes that have led to an increase in the importance of public diplomacy in international relations.

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