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Rusului Convent, nowadays situated on the territory of Galați county and, previously, on the territorial units of Tutova and Covurlui (it shifted from one unit to another, according to the fuctuations of the administrative system) has a little known past. At times, its history was approached by researchers as a result of its proximity to Adam monastery, a more attractive and better known historical objective.The recovered records don’t allow the composition of a complete historical monograph. The historiographic researches led to yet limited results, such as brief accounts regarding the monastic life within that area. Rusului Convent is one of the many small sized monastic establishments which testify about the Orthodox ascetic life on these lands and also about the vocation the Romanians had for monastic life. We don’t have any data regarding the participation of the convent in the cultural life of the area or about any teaching activity carried by its members. The present paper attempts to collect and interpret the information already known by the researchers and also several unedited documents found by us within the archives. In future, these may the researchers in writing a monograph of the convent. The paper includes several documents from the period 1695-1849, dealing with this establishment. Nevertheless, the history of the convent still has many big gaps that require further research.
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The article deals with a psalm singer, and also copist, translator, poet and composer, quite famous during his days but little known today. He was the main psalm singer of the Cathedral of Buzău for around five years, at the beginning of the XIX-th century.The paper also analyses his interactions with the Lower Danube Diocese; today, we have testimonies about two such interactions, one of them being equally more important and more mysterious. It took place in October 1837, being, most probably, a private visit of some churches and persons from the Lower Danube Diocese. Nevertheless, its precise goal remains unknown. During his travels through Galați and Brăila, his health severely deteriorated, this eventually leading to his death, in February 1838.
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W Archiwum Akt Dawnych w Warszawie (AGAD) w zespole Komisja Województwa Kaliskiego/Rząd Gubernialny Warszawski, sygn. 968, Akta tyczące się funduszów probostwa w Jaworznie (1818-1860), przechowywane są materiały zawierające zestawienie dochodów kościoła w Jaworznie (filiał parafii Parzymiechy) w obwodzie wieluńskim z roku 1818. Dekret cara, jednocześnie króla polskiego Aleksandra I W sprawie funduszy duchowieństwa rzymskokatolickiego z 8 marca 1817 r. (odwołujący się do art. 13 konstytucji Królestwa Polskiego) nakazywał, by komisje wojewódzkie wyznaczyły „każda po jednym komisarzu, który wraz z delegowanym od biskupa miejscowego, zatrudni się dokładnym opisywaniem teraźniejszego stanu majątku duchownego w dobrach, gruntach, dziesięcinach, czynszach i kapitałach”. Władzom centralnym zlecono przygotowanie „instrukcji i schematów”.
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At present the question of equality of women and men is non disputable. John Paul II spoke about it clearly and many times, but for most women his way of presentation of this issue was insufficient. Why? It seems that the use of the expression: „equal rights” is problematic in this context because it results in trading men against women and in proving that because we are equal, we are self-contained. This framework does not open us toward dialogue but it encloses us inside male and female worlds. Certainly it was not the intention of God, when He created us in His image and likeness as man and woman. Indeed we are His image if we are open to each other not only in mind and will but especially in the need of complementarity. Individually we can understand and recognize less than we can together so a meeting with the other sex is a chance for us to realize our potential as man and woman. For this reason, I propose to exchange the notion “equal right” for “co-rights”. It does not bring a category of identity but gives the criterion of reciprocity. In the Church the “co-rights” concept is more difficult to realize in practice than the demands of feminist theology. It requires from men not only the modification of their positions but the need of awareness that they do it for themselves and not only for women. Furthermore it demands from women courage and increasing levels of expertise. However, the starting point for both genders is humility.
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There are currently emphatic appeals for increased efforts in order to include laity in vita et in missione Ecclesiae in the areas of theology and ecclesiology. They define the lay person by negation, as a person without the charism of priesthood. Could you be responsible for situations in which you did not receive the gift of grace from the Holy Spirit? Rather the possession of a charism can create the proper Christian responsibility. In other words, this negative theology of laity cannot make for an ecclesial accountability, because it does not recognize in the lay people their own gifts of grace. It does not conceptualize the mysterious connection between every believer and Holy Spirit who dwells in him and who forms an outstanding vocation of every christifideles. This charismatic presence of the Holy Spirit causes everyone to be in a position of responsibility for their own charism in Ecclesia. So, the theology of charism plays the crucial role in a theoretical and a practical repair of ecclesiastic responsibility of lay people. It had been awakened by Vatican II but was present in theology and practiced in the church at most for two or three decades after only the council.
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The main question discussed in this paper is: Can we say that, in the light of orthodox Catholic theology, woman is an image of Christ in a way equal to man? How Jesus and His Mother should be treated as examples for imitation for Christians of both sexes on this ground? The first part of the article explains the terms imago Dei and imago Christi, and connection between them in their biblical, dogmatical, and contemporary theological-anthropological context, the last one understood strictly as anthropology in documents of the Catholic Magisterium published during and after II Vatican Council. The second part concerns the problem of Jesus and Mary as models for men, and/or women in the present day, on the basis of Church documents, especially Mariological ones. The third part considers the problem of women as imago Christi in the light of Catholic feminist theology. Conclusions are proposed at the end of the paper.
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This paper discusses the issue of the sense of faith (sensus fidei) in the life of the Church. The author first describes the contemporary social context in which discussing the sensus fidei is meaningful. He then presents the nature of the sensus fidei and evaluates some major definitions of this concept. Emphasis is placed upon the biblical teaching on this spiritual gift and the milestones in the development of this idea. The author examines the manifestations of the sensus fidei in the personal life of the believer and in the communal life of the Church. He shows the living connection between the sensus fidei and the Magisterium Ecclesiae. The author concludes with his reflection on the dispositions needed by all believers for authentic participation in the sensus fidei. Ecumenical aspects of the sensus fidei still remain an important topic for Christian theologians. The relationship between the sensus fidei and public or majority opinion is a very delicate question. For that reason, the magisterium and theologians must constantly work to constitute the clear criteria for discernment of the authentic sensus fidei.
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The current situation of lay people in the Church is strongly conditioned by how the relationship between laity and clergy (and laity–religious) evolved both in theology and in the practice of Church life in the previous centuries. The article is an attempt at providing a brief account of the history of these relations, beginning from the time when the functional distinction between clerics and lay people originated, through the period in which, in the context of a class society, the concept of states within the Church was introduced, and they were diversified within different perfection hierarchies, to the times when theology completed the circle, once again acknowledging the universal call to holiness in the Church, one that precedes all distinctions.
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The author of the article claims that Pope Francis, like his predecessors, sees the ideas of dignitas humana and bonum commune as the basis of social teaching, arguing that human rights stem from the inalienable human dignity. The pope rejects the Marxist ideology and appeals for the Christian understanding of private property. He stresses the need for environmental protection and calls for the use of the preferential option for the poor. Pope Francis also supports the traditional Catholic understanding of the marriage as a relationship between a man and a woman, while also emphasising the differences between them. When all is taken into account, it has to be observed that the pope’s social teaching falls in line with that of his predecessors.
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The article introduces the philosophical conception of “Christian marriage” worked out by St. Augustine in the treatise De bono coniugali (400–401 AD) which is a part of his polemics with the Manichaeans and Iuvinian(us). The treatise has been evaluated in the light of the Augustian methodology of De civitate Dei (410–430 AD). The author concludes that in writing De civitate Dei St. Augustine took inspiration from the methodology outlined in the earlier De bono coniugali.
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Christians of the “martyrs era” (especially during the second century AD), discussed not only their role in the polytheistic world and eventually deified political ruler (emperor) but also the basis of authority and legitimacy of the ruler. St. Irenaeus of Lyons and Melito were written also on existing a possible normative context binding ruler which is non-Christian. The author of the study argues that their positions were not identical, and moreover, to some extent were polemical with the views found in the statements of the emperor Marcus Aurelius.
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The present paper contributes to a better knowledge of the life and works of a bishop who doesn’t have a proper biography: Anthony of Roman. A disciple of Jacob of Putna, at his monastic tonsure he received the name of the spiritual father of many of the 18th century monks from Putna Monastery, that is, Metropolitan Anthony of Moldavia. The future bishop fulfilled many assignments within the Church, first as an archdeacon at the Metropolia from Iassy, then as a hieromonk and, for a short period of time, as a hegumen of Putna. He withdrew to Moldavia where, as an ex-hegumen of Putna, he was proposed for the See of Roman in a time of great trial for the diocese, due to the great debts acquired by the former Greek bishop.
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