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O byciu Niemcem w refleksji Fryderyka Nietzschego

Author(s): Marta Baranowska / Language(s): English,Polish Issue: 01/2016

Friedrich Nietzsche, whose thought has had considerable influence on many thinkers over the last one hundred years, criticized nationalism and anti-Semitism. Nietzsche`s analysis of national identity was complex, nuanced and ambivalent. He claimed that identity was composite, hybrid, always in the process of being constructed by various experiences and encounters. In his opinion national identity is more an average level of culture, a cultural artefact, than biological identity. His fancied Polish ancestry was supposedly a part of his anti-German attitude, as he despised the German culture of his times, which advocated nationalism and racial hatred. The myth about Nietzsche's Polish roots has been rejected. Nietzsche maintained that Europe proceeds towards unification. The division into states will disappear, since both the individual and society have to overcome their national heritage. As a result of mixing different cultures a new European race will emerge. The main goal of his project of Great Politics is a superman (Übermensch), who is a cosmopolitan, because it is impossible to define him in terms of nationality. In the future, an elite of supermen will rule over the masses.

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Online Communication for Electoral Purposes: a View on Political Practices in Timis County

Author(s): Mariana Cernicova-Buca / Language(s): English Issue: 03/2014

The paper aims to present instances of political communication during electoral processes carried out with new media tools. The high rate of Internet penetration and the spreading of social networks triggered the response on the part of political candidates, interested to reach their public wherever possible. In addition, the development of e-democracy, e-governance and e-politics naturally produces effects in electoral processes. The 2012 parliamentary elections in Romania have as distinctive features the breakdown of constituencies into smaller units and the uninominal vote instead of the previously employed party lists. These features placed the burden of communication tasks on individual candidates, who had to resort to at least one web based communication channel during the campaign. The article is structured in five sections, as follows: the first section is dedicated to presenting the context and tools of the study. The second section views the digital communication as the new frontier to conquer for political communicators. The third is dedicated to Romanian politicians and their Internet presence. The fourth section, which is the largest, places the 2012 parliamentary elections in Timis County under the microscope and highlights the choices of communication tools preferred by the candidates coming from the two political alliances that dominated the elections, the Social Liberal Union (USL) and the Right Romania Alliance (ARD). Finally, the concluding sections discusses further research to be carried in understanding how digital technologies shape the pillar of political communication in the years to come.

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Collective Memory: A Universal Phenomenon the Palestinian Collective Memory as a Case Study

Author(s): Asad Taffal / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2015

This paper discusses the issue of collective memory as a phenomenon experienced by different human civilisations and nations. It attempts to explain the historical events that influenced the collective memory of different human populations over the course of history. It describes some of the examples of the deportation and exoduses of people, and the impacts they had on those people’s collective memories. Furthermore, the paper discusses the relationship between collective memory and globalisation. It then presents the Palestinian collective memory as a case study, and shows how the Palestinian culture and heritage has been affected by the 1948 Exodus. The paper attempts also to explain the channels and methods through which Palestinian collective memory is passed down the generations, and how this process is reinforced. Finally, it provides a number of recommendations and methods through which collective memory in general, and the Palestinian one in particular, can be protected and maintained across the various generations.

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ОБРАЗ «РУССКОГО МЕДВЕДЯ» В ОТЕЧЕСТВЕННОЙ КАРИКАТУРЕ ПЕРИОДА ПЕРВОЙ МИРОВОЙ ВОЙНЫ (ИЮЛЬ 1914 – ФЕВРАЛЬ 1917)

Author(s): D. Tsykalov / Language(s): Russian Issue: 4/2013

The article discusses the prerevolutionary history of reception of image of the “Russian bear” in Russia. The author points out that the image was negative in years the Crimean War and ambivalent in the revolution 1905 – 07, but during World War I (pre-February period) the figure of “Russian bear” served as a patriotic symbol.

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ПОМНИ О МАТЕРИ-РОДИНЕ! КОНКУРИРУЮЩИЕ МЕСТА ПАМЯТИ

Author(s): Mikhail Yur'yevich Timofeev / Language(s): Russian Issue: 4/2015

The use of the image of Mother in monumental sculpture, which is part of places of remembrance, is considered in this paper. The author studies the ways, how Mother of the Homeland was included in the symbolic policy in Soviet and post-Soviet times, in regional and ethnic context of cities’ symbolic space. The focus is on reconsideration of the image of Mother of the Homeland monument in Naberezhnye Chelny and also on the discussion, which started with an attempt to reconsider the role of the war memories in Volgograd. The author comes to the conclusion that there is no single explanation of the use of the image of Mother of the Homeland in politics. It can be suggested that many monuments have gained their own unique meaning.

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Holistic Model of Celebrity Endorsement in Political Marketing

Author(s): Peter Mikuláš / Language(s): English Issue: 13/2016

The aim of the paper is to provide useful tools for integral look at the celebrity endorsement process in political marketing that results in a holistic concept. The need for its creation was initiated by several authors, highlighting the inadequacy of partial approaches and thus limited possibilities for application of the existing models. Today, the main shortcomings of existing concepts of the theory and research in the field of celebrity endorsement lie in its fragmentation and inconsistency. The proposed model, based on theoretical research, has the ambition to open a wider debate on the issue and to provide practical tools for better understanding of the phenomenon.

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Problem solidarnosti i povjerenja u vrijeme globalne krize društva (Iskustvo Bosne i Hercegovine)

Author(s): Sanela Šadić,Fahira Fejzić Čengić,Halima Sofradžija / Language(s): Bosnian Issue: 1-2/2014

Meeting with the existing state of society in a time of global crisis compels us to recognize how multiple pressures on individual human existence are created a complex network of independent, primarily political and economic circumstances. Social solidarity with presence of the most prominent processes of our time suffered obvious changes, which is largely a clear reflection of social events. Sure, the issue of solidarity and trust are important elements that contribute to the creation of social security, but today, global crisis of society makes the social security itself a lot more questionable. Civil society depends on the spirit of generalized trust and confidence in others (A. Seligman), and just trust and security are important needs in the world of quality of every man, especially basic trust that Giddens refers to, as the central element in a complex, general network of relations in society. This paper will present the research of social solidarity and trust, conducted in June-July 2013, which includes interviews with students from several study groups of the University of Sarajevo.

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Reading the moves of the leaders on the Eurasian chessboard: comparative operational code analysis of Vladimir Putin and Recep Tayyip Erdogan

Author(s): Giray Saynur Derman,Hande Oba / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2017

Russia and Turkey are among the most important geopolitical players of Eurasia, the grand chessboard of international relations, and both countries with their military and economic power are pivotal countries where all eyes are initially turned to when the region’s geopolitics is concerned. Especially in regard to decisions that can affect the regional dynamics and power balance, Russian and Turkish decision making mechanisms become crucial. Therefore understanding the belief systems of Russian and Turkish decision makers does not only mean understanding their individual decision making processes but rather it is of great value for political scientists to read the bigger picture of the political arena and predicting these leaders’ moves on the chessboard of the region. At this point, Operational Code, a method within the scope of the political psychology, can function as an important instrument because this method helps build leaders’ cognitive schemata. Moreover it is also of great use in interpreting controversial moves and risk-seeking attitudes in times of political crisis. This article aims to make a comparative analysis of Russian president Vladimir Putin and Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan both of who have left their marks on 21st century Eurasia where risks are also increased. Consequently, we hope to contribute not only to the literature of political psychology and Operational Code but also predictability of international relations.

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'Durumsal Muhafazakarlık' Anlayışı Üzerine Teorik & Eleştirel Bir Değerlendirme

Author(s): Fatih Duman / Language(s): Turkish Issue: 2/2017

This study focuses on the discussion of ‘conservatism’. Important theoretical discussions have been made within the framework of what it means as a concept and how it should be defined. The concept of conservatism is reconstructed from different perspectives and is interpreted in different contexts based on different theoretical viewpoints and gains functionality. These different perspectives naturally may lead to separate consequences at the social and political levels. At this point, we come across different concepts used to define conservatism: Darwinian/Evolutionary conservatism, metaphysical conservatism, historical/peculiar conservatism, conservatism as a doctrine of tradition(alism), universal conservatism, situational conservatism, etc. In this study, previously mentioned different conceptualizations of conservatism will be examined with a critical perspective and especially analyze/criticism of ‘situational conservatism’ will be made. According to our main argument of this study, in order to accept conservatism as an ideology separate and detached from liberalism or socialism, we need a perspective that goes beyond the concept of ‘situational conservatism’. If we stay within the boundaries of situational understanding, conservatism will be very pragmatic notion without any essence or fixed principles and will be able to integrate with any kind of ideological position.

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SOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL ROOTS OF DISCONTENT: PARADOXES OF 1956

Author(s): Gábor Gyáni / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2006

In the paper we seek to trace and better understand the surprising sociological components of the ’56 revolution. The paradox lying in the heart of the revolutionary events concerns the fact that the social groups most closely involved in the political mobilization included the formerly faithful communist, later “revisionist” intellectuals, the university students and the industrial working class. They had previously been considered as the primary social basis and legitimation force of the communist political regime. Still, they were to become the main motor of initiating the disobedience almost before 23rd of October and, in addition, “did the revolution” thereafter. What could be the reason of their discontent causing the first “revolutionary” schock to a political regime which regularly defined and declared itself to embody the social(ist) revolution? The explanation is based on a sociological consideration (the mobility trap) combined with a psychological reasoning (the sense of guilt, the bitter feeling of being deceived, and the unfulfilled expectations) and the whole argument will be placed into the specific historical context specified either by Hungary’s road from ’53 to ’56, and the global developments of the communist world in the course of 1956.

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Когнітивно-нормативні засади формування політико-правової культури особистості

Author(s): Irina Vilchynska / Language(s): Ukrainian Issue: 1/2012

Basis of theoretical understanding of politic-legal culture as a necessary factor of the adequate adaptation of personality to the system of politic-legal relationship in the modern democratic state is revealed in this article. A special attention is dedicated to cognitive-normative principles of the formation of politic-legal culture of people and citizen.

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Fear Without Rationality: Emotions in Lithuanian Foreign Policy

Author(s): Benas Brunalas / Language(s): English Issue: 36/2017

The paper reflects on the conception of the phenomenon of fear employed in the international relations theory. A critique of understanding of fear as a rational incentive of conventional international relations theories paves the way for the notion of fear as an emotion. It is argued that the behaviour of states in international politics should be explained via their psychological and emotional aspects. The paper proposes to connect the arising of and experiencing fear with collective memory and the imagery entrenched in nations’ subconscious. It also proposes to distinguish the two levels of arising of and experiencing the emotion of fear, namely the attempt to consciously arouse fear and its nonconscious experience. On the first level, mnemonic-emotive agents consciously activate collective emotions via the nation’s collective memory. On the second, once the contents/imagery of the society’s subconscious are activated, the aroused emotions are nonconsciously experienced by the society. The paper offers a case study from the Lithuanian foreign policy: its relations with Russia. Discourse analysis of Lithuania–Russia relations, where President Dalia Grybauskaitė plays an active and important role in discourse formation, suggests that the formation of Lithuanian foreign policy, with regard to Russia, is affected by the emotion of fear.

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Postmaterialism, religiosity and ethnocentrism: Interactive effects on political preferences

Author(s): Bojan Todosijević,Emilija Mijić,Ljubomir Hristić / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2015

Relationships between value orientations and political attitudes are usually analyzed as linear and additive associations. Since values are commonly conceived as lacking independence of each other, particularly in politics where they usually appear in the shape of ‘ideological packages’, the paper examines how values interact when generating their political effects. We investigate the interactive effects between postmaterialism, religiosity and ethnocentrism when they are required to explain ideological and party preferences. The outlined problems are examined using the Dutch Parliamentary Election Studies (DPES) data. Results show that political expression of some values (e.g., ethnocentrism) is dependent on the level of the other values (e.g., postmaterialism).

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Predictors of party evaluation in post-conflict society – the case of Serbia

Author(s): Jasmina Međedović,Boban Petrović / Language(s): English Issue: 1/2013

The goal of present study is to increase understanding of evaluation of political parties by exploring their relations with dispositional constructs conceptually related to political behavior. These are: personality traits, social attitudes and the Ethos of conflict, which emerges from protracted violent conflict between societies. The conflict examined in this study involves Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo. Principal components analysis conducted on parties’ preferences isolated two dimensions which can be broadly interpreted as Socio-liberal and National-conservative orientation. Regression analyses have shown that these two dimensions are explained mostly by the Ethos of conflict, followed by social attitudes and personality traits. Personality traits of Honesty and Originality predict evaluation towards Socio-liberal parties. High patriotism and a positive evaluation of one’s own nation characterize supporters of National-conservative parties, while Socio-liberal participants have low patriotic attitudes and do not consider that the aims of Serbian politics in Kosovo automatically exclude the Kosovo Albanian aims.

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Da li smo i mi Evropljani? Povezanost i korelati evropskog i nacionalnog identiteta

Author(s): Vladimir Mihić / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2009

Researches of the correlates of the national identity are plentiful both in Serbian and foreign literature. However, in the past decade or so, a new social identity starts to make its way into the researches of the social psychologists-European identity or the sense of belonging to the Europe and the Europeans. This paper deals with the relation between national and European identity, as well as with the correlates of both of these, or one of them. The sample consisted of 451 subjects, all residents of major cities in the Vojvodina region (northern Serbia), divided into several categories-ethnicity (Serbs and Hungarians), educational level (primary and secondary school or University degree), gender and age. Several scales have been used: Cinnirela`s national and European identity scale, Collective self-esteem scale, scale measuring attitudes towards the European integration-STEIN and Social dominance orientation scale-SDO. The questionnaire with the demographic characteristics has also been the part of the instrument. The research has been conducted in 2005 and 2006 in the all of the major Vojvodinian cities. Results show the relation between national and European identity is foggy, but general conclusion is that we can observe them as independent identities. The correlates of the national identity were ethnicity, high social dominance orientation, high collective self-esteem and negative attitude towards the European integrations. Correlates of the European identity were fewer: ethnicity, positive attitude towards the European integration and low social dominance orientation.

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Valence framing of political preferences and resistance to persuasion

Author(s): Iris Žeželj,Milan Škorić,Slaven Bogdanović,Dejan Hristić,Dušan Stokić / Language(s): English Issue: 3/2007

This study tested the "valence framing effect": an assumption that negatively conceptualized attitudes (as opposing the non-preferred alternative) are more resistant to later persuasion attempts. In the experiment we created choice between two political candidates and experimental subjects were led to conceptualize their political preferences in one of two possible ways: either as supporting the preferred candidate or as opposing the non-preferred candidate. The data indicate that negative preferences show less overall change when exposed to counterarguments. This finding can be incorporated in two theoretical frameworks: dual process theories of attitude change (Elaboration likelihood model) and descriptive decision making theories (Prospect theory). Results are discussed for their implications for the efficacy of political communication.

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Politics in Serbia 1990-2002: A cleavage of world views

Author(s): Bojan Todosijević / Language(s): English Issue: 2/2006

The paper analyzes socio-psychological sources of political divisions in post-communist Serbia. Following the argument that authoritarianism is intrinsically associated with the opposition to pro-democratic political change, it is hypothesized that authoritarianism is associated with the support for the former communists, and increasingly over time for radical nationalists. The data analysis utilizes three data sets, from 1990, 1996 and 2002, that is from periods that represent three crucial stages in the development of the Serbian post-communist politics. Discriminant analysis of party preferences showed that preferences for authoritarian political options and ideological orientations were tied to authoritarianism as an individual difference variable and specific socio-structural characteristics. The paper offers an interpretation of the Serbian politics throughout 1990s in terms of a cleavage of world views.

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Jedan pokušaj klasifikacije teorijskih razmatranja nacionalnog identiteta

Author(s): Jasna Milošević-Đorđević / Language(s): Serbian Issue: 2/2003

It is compulsory that complex social concepts should be defined in different ways and approached from the perspective of different science disciplines. Therefore, it is difficult to precisely define them without overlapping of meaning with other similar concepts. This paper has made an attempt towards theoretical classification of the national identity and differentiate that concept in comparison to the other related concepts (race, ethnic group, nation, national background, authoritativeness, patriarchy). Theoretical assessments are classified into two groups: ones that are dealing with nature of national identity and others that are stating one or more dimensions of national identity, crucial for its determination. On the contrary to the primordialistic concept of national identity, describing it as a fundamental, deeply rooted human feature, there are many numerous contemporary theoretical approaches (instrumentalist, constructivist, functionalistic), emphasizing changeable, fluid, instrumentalist function of the national identity. Fundamental determinants of national identity are: language, culture (music, traditional myths), state symbols (territory, citizenship), self-categorization, religion, set of personal characteristics and values.

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Recenzija: Die Partisanengruppe Leoben — Donawitz; Die psychologische Kriegsführung und Propaganda der Titopartisanen in Kärnten und Slowenien

Author(s): Tone Zorn / Language(s): Slovenian Issue: 1-2/1969

The review of: -Maks Muchitsch, Die Partisanengruppe Leoben — Donawitz. Eurom Verlag, Wien (1966), 67 strani. -Malte Olschewsky, Die psychologische Kriegsführung und Propoganda der Titopartisanen in Kärnten und Slowenien. Neobjavljena disertacija na dunajski mozofski fakulteti, 1966.

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Just a Show? Effects of Televised Debates on Political Attitudes and Preferences in Slovakia

Author(s): Pavol Baboš,Aneta Világi / Language(s): English Issue: 04/2018

The popularity of televised political debates is growing, attracting millions of viewers. However, evidence that such debates can shift voters’ attitudes is mixed and the impact on voters’ preference is also mixed. In addition, the evidence comes mostly from presidential elections in the United States and almost exclusively from established democracies. A call for comparative research in new democracies has been made several times. Our research answers the call and contributes to this debate by comparing two experimental studies based on first-order national elections and second-order European Parliament elections in Slovakia. To our knowledge, this is the first time such a study has been performed in a post-communist EU country. We employed a pre-test/ post-test experimental design in a controlled environment with participants randomly assigned to both groups. The results show that debate exposure has a stronger effect on opinions about candidates’ leadership skills, credibility, and economic competence if the candidates were previously unknown. Familiarity with the candidates and preexisting preferences also function as a block to preference change. Almost all of our findings are in line with previous research originating from Western contexts. Therefore, we conclude that the causal mechanism linking debate exposure to voters’ preference and attitudes in the post-communist context is similar to that in Western countries with long-term democratic traditions.

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