‘BENEFICIARY’ AS A MEANS FOR A DICHOTOMOUS REPRESENTATION IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE

Author(s): Marek Hampl / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2017

This paper focuses on the employment of the participant role ‘Beneficiary: Recipient’ in the discourse of U.S. President George W. Bush in the period from September 11, 2001 to May 1, 2003. The analysis presented in the paper has been conducted on the corpus of 92 speeches delivered by the speaker. The aim of the paper is to observe the formation of the ‘Us’ and ‘Them’groups on the basis of the involvement of the participant ‘Beneficiary: Recipient’. The theoretical framework for the analysis is grounded in the system of transitivity developed by M. A. K. Halliday. In the analytical part, the focus will be placed on the analysis of the participant ‘Beneficiary: Recipient’ that is involved in Material processes in George W. Bush’s discourse. It will be argued that the employment of this participant also contributed to positive presentation of ‘Us’ and to negative presentation of ‘Them’.

‘If You Are a Girl, Stay at Home’ – An Ethnographic Examination of Female Social Engagement from the Rural 19th Century to Contemporary Political Protests in Macedonia

Author(s): Ilina Jakimovska / Language(s): English / Issue: 1/2017

Balkan history has been presented, in gender terms, as a history of oppressed women, stark patriarchy and male domination. This narrative has rarely been questioned, its echoes still lingering in the corridors of those disciplines that helped its creation and promotion. Being one of them, ethnology can, and should play a central role in the deconstruction of the role of women in the so-called traditional cultures, thus establishing a potential continuity between their past and their present struggles.

“LET’S BEGIN LOVE ANEW”:RIGHT WING ON WOMEN, WOMEN ON RIGHT WING, CASE OF SERBIA

Author(s): Jelena Višnjic / Language(s): English / Issue: 03/2016

Public disqualification of women is done through denying them the right of ownership and decide on their bodies and it is a paradigm of the conservative, nationalist discourse of the Serbian Orthodox Church, but also a crucial part of the value system of the right wing, which remains the same for different social systems. Right wing organizations and the Serbian Orthodox Church not only disapprove the emancipation of women and their equal position in society, but continually oppose these values in public and media space and actively advocate for the disrespect and violation of the rights guaranteed by the Constitution and other laws. In a secular society such as ours, the border separating state and church should be clear, so that patriarchal, traditional, conservative discourse of the church and the right wing could not even think about usurping the (symbolic) spaces of freedoms and rights we have won, nor could they produce the hate speech and discrimination against women.

“VETO MEHANIZMI” U PARLAMENTIMA NA DRŽAVNOJ I ENTITETSKOJ RAZINI U BIH

Author(s): Maja Sahadžic / Language(s): Bosnian / Publication Year: 0

U ustavnopravnom ustrojstvu Bosne i Hercegovine, tzv. entitetsko glasovanje i postupak zaštite vitalnog nacionalnog interesa, kao „veto mehanizmi“ pri odlučivanju predstavljaju veoma važnu ulogu u učinkovitom djelovanju parlamenata na državnoj i entitetskoj razini. Stoga se ovaj rad bavi ustavnim definiranjem parlamentarnog odlučivanja na državnoj i entitetskoj razini u Bosni i Hercegovini, postupcima parlamentarnog odlučivanja, postojećim „veto mehanizmima“ i posljedicama koje oni proizvode.

„Za obronę własnych przekonań” – działalność społeczno polityczna Adama Pleśnara (1935–2013) do 1977 roku

Author(s): Adrian Tyszkiewicz / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 1/2016

The article is an attempt to scratch the biography of Adam Plesnar. The analysis was subjected to the activity of the protagonist until 1977. Plesnar was an active member of the Club of Young Catholics at the University of Wroclaw, co-founder of the Young Democrats (ZMD). Already in the sixties he was convicted for opposition activities. In the seventies he was an activist of Polish Esperanto Association. He participated in protests against changes in the Constitution of the PRL. Since 1977 belonged to the members of the Movement in Defense of the Rights of Man and Citizen (ROPCiO) and the leader of the Movement of Free Democrats (RWD), an activist of the Wroclaw opposition. Within the Movement sought to participation of the opposition in legitimate forms of political activity, including in the elections to the Sejm PRL, while remaining critical of the existing system.

„Балканските акценти“ на одеския „Привоз“: към въпроса за етническите компоненти в градската кухня

Author(s): Alexandr Prigarin / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 4/2016

On the basis of written sources and field materials, the article examines the phenomenonof the “Odessa cuisine” as a regional complex of food. In the context of thehistorical dynamics, it shows the role of the Balkan traditions in the formation anddevelopment of the everyday culture of the inhabitants of Odessa. Special attentionis paid to the current state of the trade subculture and, respectively, to the systemof the food traditions in Odessa. In particular, the article shows that there are manyproducts introduced by natives from the Balkans (first of all, Greeks and Bulgarians):eggplants, tomatoes, cheese, corn, mutton, grapes, etc. The regional dishes perceivedas “Odessaian” but having roots in the ethno-cultures of the above-mentioned communities,are developed on this basis. The text shows also the “blue” (eggplants) invarious variations of preparation and the “pshonka” (corn). Beside the national, theprofessional mass cuisine is also analyzed (restaurant); in it the Balkan substratumhas found its place a long time ago along with the Jewish, Ukrainian and Moldavian.In the menu of these institutions, there are surely a number of dishes with Balkanorigins. On the other hand, it is worth characterizing the special national restaurantsof Odessa (Bulgarian, Gagauzian, Greek).

СТРАНАЧКО ПОИСТОВЕЋЕЊЕ: СЛУЧАЈ СРБИЈЕ

Author(s): Slobodan Antonic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2005

In the introduction the question is asked: why, in Serbia, both enormous electoral volatility and widespread party identification are registered simultaneously. The problem is that, according to the original theory, they could not both be present at the same time. In the second part of the article, the basic theory of party identification is described. The third part describes the way that party identification has been explored in Serbia. The conclusion is that there are certain deviations from the original theory. The final part is dedicated to some dilemmas concerning the applicability of party identification theory outside the United States, and several suggestions on Serbia are introduced.

Субјекти и фактори политичког лидерства

Author(s): Živko Kulic,Goran B. Miloševic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 4/2013

In accordance with changes in society, leadership transformed from static, outdated and stereotypical model to active, effective, fruitful and flexible management model. Instead of command, control, noise and superior behaviour characteristic for the management system, emphasis is placed on behaviour, action and practical activities of a leader, his/her skills and abilities and his/her talent and gift. The essence of leadership comes down to process of shaping the behavior of people in an organization. Leadership is inherent to all areas of human work and activities, and hence the presence of leadership is typical not only in the field of entrepreneurship, but also in political activity of people. People should be won over, gathered around a specific idea, and motivated to focus their knowledge and abilities, their creative energy and potentials towards achieving political or other goals and tasks of the organization. Political leadership should be understood as the process which directs the activity of the members of the team (group or political party) towards achieving the objectives and goals of political organizations. Leadership implies two sides: the leader who creates a vision, and followers (subordinates) who support the vision and follow the ideas and plans of the leader. The activities of a leader must be focused on the effectiveness, that is, on finding real and acceptable political action. Nature of activities of a leader also depends on his/her position in the political organization. Although all holders of political leadership in a given political organization are responsible for adapting to change and achieving the goal of political action, that does not mean that their level of responsibility is equal. Political leadership is integral part of political space, but also an indispensable element of successful work of political organization. Leadership implies the ability to influence other people to cooperate and to contribute to achieving the overall goals and objectives of political organization through their work and actions. Hence, the basic features of political leadership result from its nature and the relevant facts related to the term. Generally, in the literature prevails opinion that political leadership can also be recognized as leadership in other areas of human activities. Thus, the political leadership is identified by the following features: the fact that not only leader participates in it, but also all members of the organization; it relies on human resources rather than on technical and technological superiority; it attempts to monitor changes in the environment, to project changes in the organization and to ensure the necessary adjustments. Political leadership is a collective process which involves both the leaders and members of political organizations (their followers). Such observations lead to the conclusion that the subjects of political leadership are leaders and their followers. Leader is a person able to shape the vision and project strategy of work and development of a political organization, as well as to win over members of political parties to believe in the vision and strategy in order to become loyal followers, willing to invest additional efforts to achieve the set goals and tasks. The process of leadership, as noted, besides leaders, also includes members of political organization, regardless of what they do, their professional profile, how much experience they have and what their contribution to the work is.Activities of political leadership do not depend solely on the leader and his/her abilities, qualities and skills, but also on a number of factors which may include: personal features of leader; features of members of political parties or subordinates; and characteristics of environment. From the aforementioned, one can draw a general conclusion that the performance of political organization is result of individual features (leader’s and party members’), the efforts and organizational support.

Сутність, форми і класифікація корупційних відносин

Author(s): Maryna Fomina,Viktoriya Kuzmenko / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 21/2013

The article is dedicated to the research of essence and forms of corruptive and shade relations. The conducted research permittedto accentuate the political and economic content of the category “corruption” and classify corruption on definite factors andcorresponding manifestations of this phenomenon.Aim of the article is detailed research of essence of corruption and forms of its manifestation which will constitute the basis forclassifying corruptive relations.The research of essence, forms and system of corruptive relations permitted to make the following conclusions andgeneralizations. Traditional definitions of corruption have one essential drawback preconditioned by the one–sided approach, whenthe state is corrupter as principal and state official as agent having definite duties and using them for his/her own benefit. Under suchconditions the other party of corruptive relations remains in shade. Such approach is justified for the social and economic systems inwhich business and power are separated, but it does not reflect the real state of affairs in the conditions of transformation economies,in Ukraine in particular.Concept of corruption and its essence shall be researched in the context of interconnection and inter–conditionality concerningdefinite sphere of social relations. Corruption is special type of exchange relations combining separate people and institutions in thesingle social mechanism.Corruption as political and economic category represents special type of exchange relations, realized with the violation of formaland informal institutional limitations.Detailed research of essence, forms and manifestations of corruption permitted to classify it on the following criteria: subjects of corruptiverelations, aims of corruption from the point of view of its subjects, initiative in corruptive relations, level of organization and distribution ofcorruptive relations, type of organization of corruptive relations, type of corruptive relations, degree of centralization of corruptive relations,regularity of corruptive actions, every of which presupposes different forms of manifestation and types of corruption.

ТАЈНА КАО ПРЕТПОСТАВКА ПОЛИТИЧКЕ МОЋИ

Author(s): Aleksandar Bodrožic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2019

Secret as one of the important means in achieving political power includes an interesting relationship between specific data, knowledge or information, the content of which is known to a limited number of persons, who are trying to preserve it as such from the disclosure because of certain personal interests, attitudes or beliefs on the one hand, and political power, as one of the most important concepts of modern politics. In connection with the presented, the paper attempts to provide an answer to the question whether and to what extent the secret is a conditio sine qua non of political power of the sovereign, and how justified and necessary it is in a democratic society, which is founded on the plurality of interests and mutual harmonization, to base the security of the democratic order on secret, inaccessible to the public, work of certain state bodies.

Термини за публичното ораторство в класическа Атина (сравнително-исторически данни): 3. Демагог

Author(s): Stela Moneva / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 1/2014

The ancient Greek term “demagogue” is discussed in the present paper. The collected and analyzed data belonging to the ancient written record tradition allows the drawing of the following conclusions: when it is used for the first time by Thucydides the word does not have a pejorative meaning and is associated with eloquence; the second direct use of the term by Aristophanes has loaded it with the meaning of oral skill as well as with negativism that has become a prevailing tendency.

Убиство браће Новаковић 1907. године, судска истрага и скупштинска дебата поводом овог случаја (утицај војске на политику)

Author(s): Nenad Ž. Petrovic / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2014

Quelling of the so called “counter-conspiracy” movement marked the temporary victory of officer-conspirers responsible for the May 1903 coup d’état and assassination of Obrenović royal couple. In years 1906-1907 Nikola Pašić and his cabinet found interest in cooperating with conspirers and managed to suppress opposition coming from the part of Serbian officers corps which were against influences on politics coming from the nonconstitutional elements. Captain Milan Novaković became leader of this movement although he spent two years in prison. Immediately after return fron his imprisoment je founded Society for legal solution of conspirers question which aimed to remove all conspirers from public life and punish them for assassination and coup d’etat from 1903. Political constellation, however, prevented this endeavor to end successfully. Novaković brothers were arrested under false accusation and subsequently murdered. According to the available documents describing attitudes of Serbian officials it can be concluded that they were murdered for their political engagement. Initialy Minister of interior issued official statement which stated that brothers killed each other. Soon after he denied this statement. Whole affair was taken of the agenda by simple vote in National parliament. Novaković affair happened in the middle of important events which influenced not only the Balkans but Europe and the rest of the world as well. Their fate was unjustufuly put aside. This murder never reached judicial conclusion while even today no one conluded that Novaković brothers payed with their lives to do what Pašić and Prince regent Aleksandar Karađorđević managed to do on Salonika trial in 1917 – to put an end on military influencing Serbian politics.

Удержат-ли большевики государственную власть?

Author(s): Vladimir Ilyich Lenin / Language(s): Russian / Publication Year: 1917

The present pamphlet, as is evident from the text, was written at the end of September and was finished on October 1, 1917. The October 25 Revolution has transferred the question raised in this pamphlet from the sphere of theory to the sphere of practice. This question must now be answered by deeds, not words. The theoretical arguments advanced against the Bolsheviks taking power were feeble in the extreme. These arguments have been shot to pieces. The task now is for the advanced class—the proletariat— to prove in practice the viability of the workers' and peasants' government. All class-conscious workers, all the active and honest peasants, all working and exploited people, will do everything they can to solve the immense historic question in practice. To work, everybody to work, the cause of the world socialist revolution must and will triumph. (from the preface written by Lenin, St. Petersburg, November 9, 1917.)

Феномен и схема. Подстъпи към една възможна критическа феноменология

Author(s): Kristiyan Enchev / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 3/2017

This article elucidates why the Kant’s transcendental scheme in its orthodox type is not a functionally reliable bridge in the transition from pure cognitive forms to real experiental “crystallizations”, and how this can be compensated by its transformation into a phenomenal structure including as its own elements regionally relevant kinaesthetic organization and “encoded ideas”. Ideas undergo deformalization – from “purely regulatory” schemes of reason, they go to constitutive structures that comprise regional figurative adhesions and as such receive regional “encoding” – contentful concretization. This type of rethinking of the transcendental scheme also leads to a significant change in the way in which local phenomena should be understood (such as, for example, socialization and education) so as to guarantee their rethinking in the transition from the empirical (but hermeneutically grasped manifold) to the phenomenal integrity in the encoded ideas as a regionally relevant, concrete “figurative kinship”.

Феномен політичної волі у контексті політологічного аналізу особистості

Author(s): Valentyna O. Smirnova / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 3/2011

Proposed to study the phenomenon of political will in the context of the political science study of personality, in particular through the consideration of the basic ideas of "self-concept" as important to clarify the issues of political will, political leadership and political power. The article presents an analysis of the main directions of research in the field of political will, political psychology.

Финансирање председничке кампање 2017: једанаест кандидата и само једна кампања

Author(s): Bojan Klacar / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 4/2018

208 The subject of this paper is an analysis of the financing of the 2017 presidential campaign in Serbia. The aim of the paper is to ex amine the effects of public funding introduced in 2011, which led to a great dependence of political subjects on public sources and a great misbalance in the financial capacities between the ruling party (or par ties) and opposition. The paper put an accent on a particular form of deviation that characterizes Serbia after 2011: the financial supremacy of the ruling party and the complete dependence of political subjects on public funding. We used theoretical framework of cartel parties devel oped by Katz and Mair but we applied this approach bearing in mind local circumstances. These approaches indicate that one of the impor tant consequences of public funding is the emergence of the status quo in which the largest subjects work together and use public resources to ensure their own collective survival. Cartelisation of the party system can lead to the growth of populist and antisystem parties, which di rectly communicate with citizens, correcting in that matter mistakes of mainstream parties. We put particular focus on the influence of public funding on the disappearance of political subjects and the possibility of creating new ones. Analysis of the last four electoral cycles in Serbia shows that political subjects reported from 40% to 50% of revenues from public funding. Loans consist about a quarter of revenue on average, while their own funds (funds from regular work of political subjects) are on the rise after the law changes in 2014. In fact, revenues from public sources are more than we noted above because all approved loans in Serbian campaigns came from banks with local ownership. In addition, conditions for approved loans were significantly better than other com mercial loans (for other companies or private persons). As a rule, ruling parties in average spend the most in Serbian campaigns and we are talk ing about significant funds for local circumstances – more than three millions of euros per subject. In 2012, there was a balance in a certain way between ruling subjects and opposition in spite of the fact that ruling subjects spent more funds. After 2014 parliamentary elections, “progressives” as a ruling party became an absolute leader in financial capacities. This period is overlapped with their history electoral results. In 2016 and 2017, they spent much more money than other subjects or candidates together. The best example is 2017 presidential campaign when Aleksandar Vucic spent more than six million euros and in ad dition he spent for political advertising slightly more than other candi dates for all activities during the campaign. The most important results we obtained in paper are: 1) the existence of great dependence of polit ical subjects on public funding in election campaigns, 2) deepening the gap between the financial capacities of the ruling subjects in relation to the opposition, 3) the survival of the largest number of political sub jects despite small financial resources and 4) the proliferation of “soft“ organisations, such as political movements based on online campaigns. We concluded that there was no political pluralism in last three elector al cycles as a consequence of significant financial disparities between ruling subjects and opposition. Political subjects have survived that period but in the real sense they have no capacities for serious political competition and presentation of their policies. Due to small capacities of opposition for management of election campaigns, citizens do not have an opportunity to see both sides. Party life in 2017 is significant ly worse than five years ago when the new financial framework was adopted. One of the recommendations is to continue the monitoring of these trends and modification in legal framework if such negative trends continue.

Храна и публичност: срещи в празника

Author(s): Rayna Gavrilova / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 4/2018

The proposed paper is an attempt to examine and discuss the relation between social interactions, festivity, and food in the beginning of twenty-first-century Bulgaria. Topics of interest are the specific forms of public space and the participation during two types of events: the festivals of individual towns and the political kurbans. The article examines the extent to which the communal celebrations have “enter[ed] the service of economic and political propaganda” (Habermas). Both types of events are organized “from the top” – they are planned, financed and practically performed by people who possess political power. Furthermore, they both include certain forms of distribution of free food; thus, the author comes to the conclusion that the consumption of offered food and drinks binds the participating individuals in a somatic and emotional mutual experiencing the celebration. Commensality is a form of participation, which by definition is voluntary and unarticulated inclusion. The citizens are a quiet audience (public, n. in Bulgarian) of the activities presented on stage but enthusiastic participants in the shared meals.

Цветан Тодоров (1939–2017) – апостолът на хуманизма, мечтателят за свобода

Author(s): Valentina Sharlanova / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 4/2016

ЩО ТАКЕ «ДЕФЕКТНІ ДЕМОКРАТІЇ» І ЯКИМИ ВОНИ БУВАЮТЬ

Author(s): O. I. Romanyuk / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 2/2017

This article analyzes the concept of defective democracy by German political scientist Wolfgang Merkel. Its development was caused by the need for a clearer distinction of new imperfect democracies, on the one hand, from the liberal constitutional democracies, and on the other hand, from autocracies, that mask their identity by democratic facade. The author pays attention to some incorrect interpretations of this concept, namely: the interpretation of defective democracies as the only transitive mode; the treatment of them as a specific kind of authoritarian regimes; the spread of this concept to all forms of hybrid regimes.The author analyzes in the detail the essence of this concept, relying on the works of the founders (Wolfgang Merkel, Hans-Jürgen Puhle, Aurel Croissant, and Peter Thiery) He emphasizes that the defects of democratic governance are of constitutional and legal nature and they are detected by comparing the imperfect democracies to established liberal democracies that within this concept are defined as «embedded». Democracy defects are deviations from the standards of democratic governance, copied from the current political system of liberal constitutional democracies. The political regimes with such defects are identified as defective democracies. The article examines the sub-types of defective democracies, namely:Exclusive democracy that excludes some groups and/or individuals from the democratic electoral system;Enclave democracy under which certain segments of democratic governance are controlled by private forces;Illiberal democracy, within which there are some violations of group rights and individual freedoms in favor of the social majority; Delegative democracy which violates the system of checks and balances and the executive takes precedence over legislative and judicial.However, the regimes with such deficiencies remain democracies, if the significant defects are only part of regime, but not penetrating it through, denying the very meaning of democratic governance. Simultaneously, democratic defects in one partial regime to some extent are reflected also on the other, impairing the democratic functioning of the entire political regime.Finally, the author concludes that this concept is of great theoretical value for the reform of the modern Ukrainian political system. He stresses that a thorough analysis of the Ukrainian political system’s shortcomings in the context of a defective democracy concept is one of important tasks for the national political science.

Эхо партийного менеджмента: доверие московской молодёжи к Государственной Думе Российской Федерации

Author(s): Sergej Fedorcenko,Sergej Mjakotin / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 1/2016

The article is based on the results of sociological research of the youth from the city of Moscow. The analysis showed that there is some duality in Moscow youth’s opinions in relation to the State Duma of the Russian Federation. The researchers concluded that in contrast to public sector employees, who support the political course of the current president and are ready to vote for the party „United Russia”, young people from the private sector are more interested in politics, although their criticism of parliamentarism. However, young people from the public sector are less interested in politics and endorses to a greater or lesser extent the work of the State Duma of Russia, believing that it represents the interests of ordinary people.