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Political actors aim at persuading voters, who are the key elements of target market in order to win election by gaining a higher vote potential than their opponents. Whether voter preferences are shaped by political elements or by the effects of social environment has become the focus of the studies within the relevant literature. The main purpose of this study is to determine the effect of political marketing activities and word of mouth communication and to determine mediator role WOM communication on voter behaviours. The study is conducted in Konya on a sample consisting of 432 voters and the size of which is determined by convenience sampling method by using face-to-face survey method. Political marketing, word of mouth communication and voter behaviours are confirmed by structural equation modelling through confirmatory factor analysis. As a result of the study, political marketing activities and word of mouth communication are found to have a positive effect on voter behaviour. Furthermore, it is determined that word of mouth communication have mediator role in the effect of political marketing activities on voter behaviours.
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This comparative review of the Yugoslav research on authoritarianism, in spite of some serious methodological limitations, reveals a high degree of authoritarianism in the population. It is the cognitive type of authoritarianism which is formed through the process of socialization. The pronounced presence of authoritarianism in the psychological structure of the population is positively correlated with ethnocentrism and is a constitutive element of the egalitarian-statist orientation. It is negatively correlated with the self-management orientation and with the tolerance for other ideological values and orientations.
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The party system of Bosnia and Herzegovina is complex and consists of several levels of interaction and party competition. Because of the politically relevant cleavages, researchers have claimed that party competition is centered withing the ethnically defined segments of Croat, Serb, Bosniak (and multiethnic) parties, but there has been no empirical evidence to back that claim. By analyzing election results for the Parliament of Bosnia and Herzegovina 1996–2014, and by measuring the volatility among party segments, the author identifies four (or three and a half) ethnically defined party subsystems with almost non-existent voter fluctuation among them. At the same time, there is a significant volatility within these segments. The empirical analysis confirms the claim that the political party competition in Bosnia and Herzegovina exists solely inside the four segments of the party system among parties with the same ethnic label.
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The appeal to inconsistency, which is sometimes raised against J. S. Mill’s political philosophy, takes various forms, and this paper focuses on the appeal to inconsistency between antipaternalism promoted in On Liberty and paternalistic justification of democracy and plural voting proposal introduced in Considerations on Representative Government. The paper characterizes Mill as a democratic instrumentalist and emphasizes that Mill’s justification of educational role of democracy and the epistemic value of plural voting proposal need not be grounded in paternalistic ideas. By combining Mill’s claim that the government can intervene and limit the freedom of an individual when she is performing an action by which a distinctive duty she has towards others is violated with Estlund’s idea of political justification through normative consent, the paper shows that Mill’s justification of democracy (and of plural voting proposal) can be grounded in duties we have towards others, and not in paternalism.
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The present populism research follows two major lines of inquiry: one is top down, the other bottom up. The first one focuses on distilled abstract traits of the phenomenon with an emphasis on common features. The second one concentrates on distinct features of populisms country wise in historical perspective. The first one maintains an undisguised liberal ideological bias and neglects populism as an (il)legitimate offspring of liberal democracy. The author argues that the second approach yields a deeper insight into the nature of contemporary populism as a by-product of the breakdown of traditional party politics.
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This study examines the activity of Twitter users (twitter.com) who participated in the debate regarding the quality of service provided by Serbian ombudsman Saša Janković, which (having lasted from January to May of 2015) later developed into a discussion about his personal past. The research problem is to identify and compare online discourses, strategies and techniques used by pro and anti-government participants of digital debates in a political context such as that of contemporary Serbia, in which the public sphere is still mainly shaped by traditional media even though digital discourses are influential. The aim if the study is to a) examine online communication strategies utilized by the ruling parties in their attempt to maintain hegemony over public debates; b) analyse the methods used by government opponents through which they attempt to mobilize public support online; c) compare communication strategies of the opposing sides. The purpose of this study is to provide fresh empirical findings regarding the political role of new media in weak democracies, as previous works have mostly concentrated on the political role of social media in developed democracies and authoritarian regimes. The results confirm that ’networked authoritarianism’ is successful in hindering anti-government discourses and online activity, as it polarizes the ’digital public sphere’, but the findings also indicate that anti-government strategies of ’networking’ and ’raising awareness’ play an important role for opposing the government online.
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Kao osnovni oblik stjecanja vlasti u suvremenim liberalno-buržoaskim državama, izborni procesi veoma su rano privukli pažnju kako političara, tako i politologa i svih ostalih stručnjaka, koji su s aspekta svojih disciplina mogli pridonijeti njihovu razumijevanju. Interes političara je pragmatičan i razumljiv; treba proučiti razloge opredjeljivanja biračkog tijela i mogućnosti djelovanja na opredjeljivanje, kako bi se određena partija, ideje ili ljudi probili u prvi plan, zadobili političku vlast u određenom društvu.
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Contemporary politics breaks bonds with morale for the sake of being successful. Politics is still often hidden behind morale though. A political request begins with „you must’’, a moral quest with „you should’’. The question raised in politics is “Can I do what I want to?“, and the question in morale is “May I do what I can?’’ Is politics a skill in choosing less evil, and morale a skill in choosing more good? Can political community be strong if it does not weave together with moral community? How moral duty and political duty are related?
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We conceive culture as a universal notion for defining different social contents or all manifestations of human personality. Meanwhile, when we say »political culture« we have ipso facto a new quality. There spring up dilemmas from that: whether political culture is an independent variable or only one dimension of culture generally, then, can an individuum of low cultural level have political culture and conversely. Political culture and political behaviour are class-determined and its specific character is just in that fact concerning quality. Since the phenomenon is undefined and imprecise, political culture, in the essay, is taken as an attitude of an individuum towards the whole, towards society. Which are essential characteristics of so conceived political culture with us: First, fear in the use of freedom, fear which is no more bio-psychological phenomenon-but socially determined condition of man. The primitive man could not explain natural phenomena and that was his fatality, and the modem man cannot explain some social and world phenomena which surround him and now that is his fatality. Second, overemphasized element of destruction in relation to creativeness. In the course of the whole history man preferred destruction to be able to create something new and this condition still prevails in his consciousness. Third, there is still retained tradition to identify state with society and hence the man's negative attitude towards the whole as an alienated power. Fourth, the emphasized behaviour of identification with organizations and leadership which diminishes human activity in the sense of creativity. Fifth, specific phenomenon is evident in the fact that the tendency of projection of personal feelings into general once — personal projection as historical origin has been constantly supported. All these elements have a common consequence — creation of artificial condition of social tension and human insecurity in all aspects of human existence. Thus, according to some features, political culture and behaviour are primarily manifested as social destruction, and after that as projected or anticipated creation.
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Obsolete instrumentation of the electoral system is an important cause of retardation of the process of democratization of elections. Electoral procedure is stretched and lasts too long. The same forms repeat manifold especially so called mass meetings of citizens and working people, while meetings are not a suitable form tor getting information about individual thinking of the voters' confidence concerning potential candidates. Therefore usually there is no confrontation about persons who are proposed h representative functions in assemblies. So »empty« space appears where s me interested group come in and lead unprincipled emulation for places assemblies. It would be convenient, in looking for better solutions, to re upon forms of political action by means of which it would be easier approach to the particular voter — by interrogation of public opinion, etc.
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The article is part of the conceptual debates on national or regional/ local dimension of the political culture arguing for the classical approach which identifies political values, attitudes and behaviors relevant to the national type of community. The case study, which actually supports the idea of the existence of a national political culture, targets the post-communist Romanian society and is based on the results of a quantitative sociological research. The aim of the paper is to show that the Romanian social space is quite homogeneous on those value, attitudinal and behavioral orientations that define political culture.
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The usual model of the analyses of voting absenteeism, for any type of election, is based on the thesis that people interested in the thematic of a vote, if they are not prevented in any way, will participate to it. Absenteeism is usually explained by to a lack of interest in the subject of choice, sometimes accompanied by the inability to understand the nature of the alternative that is proposed, or the difficulty of assessing variants of choice. Of course, in other cases absenteeism may be linked to the presence of a protest attitude against various political themes or actions. Beyond these factors of the absenteeism, which have their own explanatory capacity, I will try to propose another type of analysis of the voting mechanism and implicitly of the absenteeism. I will take the particular case of the referendum on redefinition of the family that took place in October 2018. I will show that the explanation of the very low level of presence to vote is mainly due to the existence of a critical mass of voters whom I will call “pressure voters”. Most of them did not vote at the referendum and usually, in the case of ordinary elections they are very difficult to identify.
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Terrorism is a serious threat to the contemporary world. The understanding of this threat is forcing the states and international organizations to join forces in the fight against it. For the Republic of Moldova the terrorism has became a threat as well. Terrorist organization Islamic State has delimited geographically its targets and through these territories is the Republic of Moldova as well. Thus, in this article are studied: a) institutional and legislative aspects of Moldova‟s fight against terrorism; b) cooperation of the Republic of Moldova with СE, EU, CIS and NATO in the fight against terrorism and counter-terrorism strategies development; c) Republic of Moldova in front of international terrorism threat. Also, in the study is analyzed how the phenomena of terrorism is perceived by Moldovans and are highlighted some recommendations of what kind of measures Republic of Moldova should undertake in order to secure itself from possible terrorist actions.
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The uniqueness and the complexity of the Council of the European Union present an incredible force of attraction for researchers dedicated to deciphering the European Union’s mysteries. This study aims to analyse the intergovernmental negotiations in the EU and to identify their main characteristics while answering questions about the manner in which negotiations are held and decisions are made in the Council of the European Union. Also, this paper deals with issues such as patterns of interaction between states and types of strategies adopted in negotiations, coalition formation and the reasoning behind them.
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Religious, Islamic in particular, extremism under the current political conditions on a global scale has been discussed. A significant obstacle to stopping the alarming rise in young people taking up arms on behalf of various terrorist organizations is the lack of charismatic spiritual leaders promoting a peaceful and traditional understanding of Islam, especially in regions of unrest. The paper focuses on the important role that religious mentoring can play against extremism and terrorism, specifically the institution of Marja al-taqlid, and provides an overview of the particular forms of Islamic extremism that have emerged today. The results of our analysis suggest that extremism can be fought only through collective action of national, social, and religious institutions.
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This paper argues that, in view of the importance it attaches to the system, the unit-based and the cognitive factors in the inquiry of foreign policy behavior, and with a content oriented towards examining the foreign policies of a particular state or similar/different foreign policies of various states in time; Neoclassical Realism stands as a foreign policy theory with a remarkable explanatory potential, particularly in view of country analyses. Accordingly, in the context of Turkmenistan’s foreign policy, this paper provides an analysis of the roles, impact and reflections of the domestic factors composed of regime type, leadership, groups, autonomy, nationalism, small states as well as the grand strategies of small states, respectively; which have been mentioned in the theory concerned but have been left inadequately researched or not searched at all.
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Politics is a structure that has been shaped by personalities of leaders as well as their skills. In this regard, it is highly significant how great leaders are approved and perceived by society. In this interpretive article, the nicknames that have been given to political leaders from Ottoman period up to the present day and the meanings of these nicknames have been investigated. It also has been argued that the reasons for giving a nickname to politicians. The effect of physical characteristics, behaviors, attitudes and charismatic aspects of political leaders on determination of these nicknames has been examined. Otherwise, it has been emphasized that resemblances, discrepancies and contradictions among the nicknames that have been accepted by party members/society and the nicknames that have been given by historians and press. In this regard, the meanings that nicknames carried and evoked in the presence of citizens have been examined by establishing a descriptive framework in terms of political communication and propaganda. Moreover, the influences of nicknames on voters preferences and sympathy or antipathy felt to leaders have been addressed along with their examples. During the study, a large number of archival resources have been reviewed, the question of what kind of theoretical framework should be examined concerning the nicknames given to leaders in terms of political communication has been interpreted with the approaches of communication scientists.
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