Around the Bloc: Armenian President Forms Coalition With Fiercely Anti-Turkish Party
Socialist party with only a few seats in parliament given ministerial posts and governorships in controversial power-sharing deal.
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Socialist party with only a few seats in parliament given ministerial posts and governorships in controversial power-sharing deal.
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The paper shows the evolution of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), going from the military to the economic form of interaction. It describes how the Russian‑Chinese cooperation has developed over the years that have passed since the collapse of the Soviet Union as well as how the relations have gradually been tightened. The author deals with the genesis of the SCO and the multidimensional nature of its activity. Further he describes the Republics of Central Asia as an important region for Chinese economic initiatives. Due to the specific nature of the SCO, as a forum for cooperation of the two regional powers, the author presents various aspects and effects of the Russian‑Chinese cooperation. He investigates the development of the economic co‑operation as well as economic integration of the associated states. The author shows future prospects for the SCO and foreseeable trends for the development of this organization. He presents a vision of a more and more close cooperation between the post‑Soviet area with the fast growing China.
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Ko je stranac kada je domovina više fiktivna nego stvarna i stvari, ljudi, jezici i kulture se kreću ii miješaju pretvarajući cijelu planetu u dom svih? Pa ipak, teško je skrenuti pogled od bratoubilačkog nemira koji se širi, sumoran i brz, kao epidemija. Građanski rat se širi na svjetskoj ljestvici bez unitarističkog obilježja. Dovoljno je da se ugase svjetla na pozornici i najrazličitijih plemenskih, nacionalnih, rasnih, religioznih neslaganja. Za ishitrenost kronika i beskrajne razlike medu stručnjacima izgleda vrlo jednostavno da se, ipak, od gotovo nezamislivih razlika koje dijele Zulu od Liberijanaca, od Somalijaca, od Palestine i Azerbejdžana, od Bosne i Los Angelesa, izdvaja i može se prepoznati jedna razumljiva figura. Ili je jedini zajednički naziv najsiromašnije pripadanje "činjenicama svijeta" i "svjetskim pojmovima".
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In his article, the author discusses the formation of Slovenia in the “short” 20th century as the predecessor of the independent and sovereign Republic of Slovenia. The establishment of the Republic of Slovenia as an independent and sovereign state is considered a dissolution or the opposite of the unification into the Yugoslav state in 1918 and 1943/45. The break-up was legally and politically based in self-determination, a principle on which the Yugoslav state was formed and on the grounds of which the Republic of Slovenia severed its political and legal ties with Yugoslavia. The author thoroughly examines the three instances in which self-determination was exercised as a way in which the Slovenians either entered the Yugoslav state (1918, 1943/45) or departed from it (1990/91). Although the principle of self-determination was asserted by a different entity in each of these instances, their purpose and substance are connected in terms of cause as each previous instance served as a prerequisite for the success of the next. Especially without the second instance of self-determination, which served as the basis for the second Yugoslavia (1943/45–1991), it would be impossible to achieve the third self-determination, which led to the formation of the independent and sovereign state of Slovenia in 1991.
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We investigate the most recent experiment of the state-led development approach in Brazil, and reveal some of its merits and shortcomings in the light of the current difficulties of the country. Using institutional and political economy approach we argue that under the Lula administration (2003- 2010) a special economic policy mix has emerged, which although maintained some continuity with both the old Brazilian developmental state and the neoliberal reform period, can be regarded as a new model of developmental state (DS) in Brazil. The way how Brazil has achieved pro-poor and inclusive growth since the Millennium offers useful lessons for other emerging and developing countries. At the same time, economic and social processes of the last 4-5 years have highlighted the fragility of the new Brazilian developmental state model and finally led to its dismantling (while even raising questions whether it can be regarded as a DS at all).
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This paper starts with some definitions and concepts to clarify what we have in mind when we talk about economic institutions and the political economy of transition. Much discussion of the area is characterised by ambiguity and confusion, and while there are many partial theories of institutions covering specific cases, we still lack an all encompassing theory. The institutions important for transition are introduced next, this discussion helping to make clear the critical distinction between institutions per se, and the concrete organisational and legal forms through which they are implemented in particular country settings. For those transition economies that have already joined, or wish to join the EU, this includes some remarks on the acquis communautaire. Some empirical evidence on the role of institutions in facilitating transition and fostering post-socialist economic growth is then reviewed, finding support for the rule of law, secure property rights (ownership and business contracts) and liberal trade. As an aside to the main argument, a brief account of possible directions of institutional reform in North Korea is presented. Finally, the concluding section outlines what transition has taught us about the roles of institutions in economic life, and highlights some important unsettled issues, including the problem of embedding new institutions in different cultural settings.
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Ukraine belongs among those young countries where the beginnings of democratisation and nation- building approximately coincided. While the development of nation states in Central Europe was usually preceded by the development of nations, the biggest dilemma in the Ukraine is whether a nation-state programme – parallel to the aim of state-building – is able to bring unfinished nation-building to completion. Ukraine sways between the EU and Russia with enormous amplitude. The alternating orientation between the West and the East can be ascribed to superpower ambitions reaching beyond Ukraine. Eventually, internal and external determinants are intertwined and mutually interact with one another. The aim of the paper is to explain the dilemmas arising from identity problems behind the Ukraine’s internal and external orientation.
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Financial crisis is defined as sharp fluctuations of prices and quantities, occurring in financial markets reflecting as drastic economic problems with payments defaults in the banking sector, which in no way is impendent from each other. Crisis in one sector contaminates other sectors within small time intervals, which initially seems to be in periods. Many financial crises have occurred in the world since the 1970s. Although, a turning point like 1990‟s affected most countries leading to economic instability. Like in the past, most developing countries are not similar in terms of their socio-economic structure, on the other hand financial crises witnessed show several similarities. These financial crises, enlarged with the panic observed in the international investment markets, complemented with speculative attacks has diverged the financial capital flow among countries. Unemployment figures of the world have risen at the point of crisis in the end of 2008. As a result of the contraction in the foreign trade due to the crisis, the Gross Domestic Product of our country has been declining in great proportions. The effect of the crises on our country's economy has been examined in the study.
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Nowadays, developments and changes in every field affect the economic, social and political structures of countries deeply. Especially developing countries are more affected by these changes and developments. The development of inter-country relations due to economic richness has focused the attention of managers on this field. In this sense, while the countries seek new partnerships, on the other hand, they are in the effort to maintain their activities in the best way possible in the current economic structure. Nowadays, because small enterprises are not failing, they are not grown up, they are doomed to stay on small scales, the economy should not be understood as a need for continuous help. On the contrary, they can adapt quickly to dynamic, changing conditions with the flexibility they have; With its non-bureaucratic structures, it should be perceived as creative, innovative, enterprises that can quickly capture demand gaps and evaluate opportunities in a timely manner. Small and medium-sized enterprises, which carry on their activities with little capital, have been an indispensable element of the country's economies in terms of providing great employment opportunities, stopping population migration from rural areas to large cities and representing a broad base in society. The aim of this study is to give information about the qualitative aspects of small and medium sized enterprises.
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Although the Gagauz Turks lived under different sovereignty in various periods of time, they have been their own states since ancient times. In this article stating from 14th century, the history of the Gagauz state has been explored from the beginning to the present and interesting results have emerged: 1261 in Dobruca VIII. The first Gagauz Turkish state called Uzi State under the administration of Izzettin Keykavuz with the help of Mikhail Paleolog; intherd of 18th century the beginning of 19th century. Gagauz, the Vister Republic of 100 villages and 1 Vister city; Although the Turkish Republics had a 6-day life, the first Turkish Republic was established in January 6, 1906 and could be considered as the first Turkish Republic. Gagauz Autonomous Socialist Republic, declared on 19 August 1990; Established in December 23, 1994 in Gagauz Region, which was accepted by the Moldovan Parliament. All this stateization reveals that although the Gagauz Turks are few in number, it is the people who are fond of justice and freedom, and we see that every state-building effort has created an even stronger ground for the new state to be established.
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The author of this article is trying to analyse the dynamic of the relations between Republic of Moldova and the European Union after 2009. At the heart of the debate will be the main events and documents signed between the two sides. Based on this analysis, the author aims to present the main lines based on the bilateral reports between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union in the analysed time segment.
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A deeper understanding of what civil societies and NGO’s are, and what they offer for the communities in which they are active, will help establish a starting point. Moving further we can attempt to identify the main ways in which they act to achieve their objectives and then apply our analysis to a few examples of NGO’s involved in the refugee crisis at the moment. In the context of a refugee crisis that puts pressure on local governments to act in managing a large influx of migrants pass through its borders, as is the case of countries such as Turkey, Serbia, Greece, Hungary or Austria, local NGO’s can face an especially strong pressure to put together a proper response in due time.
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Conference report: Znanstveni simpozij Osamosvojitev 1991: država in demokracija na Slovenskem v zgodovinskih razsežnostih, 23.–24. november 2011, Ljubljana
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The aim of this paper is to explore the connection between stateness (and its constituent attributes) and democracy by conceiving the effective state as an independent variable and a prerequisite for the success of a well-functioning democracy. Such a conditioning relationship between the state and the regime has often been subject to being neglected among many scholars of democratization , who have not considered the state as an important explanatory or at least obstructive variable for the success of democratization. This paper argues that the existence of an effective and legitimate state is essential to build a well-functioning democracy. Herein, the variable of stateness is analysed in terms of four attributes: that of monopoly on the legitimate use of force; citizenship agreement; infrastructure capacity of the state; and law enforcement capacity.
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Taxation plays a very prominent role in the development of every economy as well as the growth of entrepreneurship in both advanced and developing countries of the world. In a developing country like Nigeria, the role of the entrepreneur is critical in influencing the socioeconomic development agenda of the country. As such, alignment of the tax structure or system to the specific entrepreneurial growth needs can be regarded as very important agenda for policy makers. Keeping this issue in view, the study aimed at exploring the perception of entrepreneurs about the impact of the tax system in Nigeria and on the profitability of their businesses. The study is premised upon a survey of selected 100 entrepreneurs in Abuja, the Federal Capital of Nigeria. The survey was administered using structured questionnaires and interviews with the selected respondents. Data was analysed by descriptive analysis method, correlation and regression analysis and findings were presented in terms of frequencies and percentages. The Findings indicate that majority of the respondents perceive the negative impact of the existing tax policies or structure on the growth of their businesses and suggest solutions for reforming the entire tax policies in the country.
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This paper aims to argue that the international community, especially the UN and the EU, through their missions in Kosovo, have never supported resolving the Kosovo issue in the context of the Albanian issue in the Balkans. International mechanisms have been against the identification of Kosovo as an Albanian national issue, as they have imposed standards, criterias and policies that lead to the alienation of political identification of Kosovo with what is albanian. Through formulas and slogans on multiethnic society, the international community has made it impossible to build and identify Kosovo as an Albanian national state. By stopping Kosovo's identification with the Albanian nation, making it impossible to unite with Albania by imposing exclusively non-Albanian state symbols, promoting the relativization of Serbia's invasive past in Kosovo through the so-called history review process, the international community in Kosovo clearly has implemented denationalization policies that, as a last resort, after denationalization, would have the creation of the so-called new Kosovo national identity. Through qualitative methodological approaches, the paper will review, analyze and interpret constitutional documents, laws and policies in theoretical and historical contexts to witness the denationalization policy of the international community in Kosovo, namely the failure of this policy to construct Kosovo's new national identity.
More...Kontext, Trends und Herausforderungen
Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union the higher education system of the Republic of Moldova is undergoing significant changes. After gaining independence in 1991, Moldova had to cope with far-reaching political and socio-economic transformations, which had a lasting impact on the higher education system of the country. At the same time, international influences – such as Moldova’s approximation towards the European Union and the participation in the Bologna Process – left their mark on the higher education system. Against this backdrop, the article reviews main trends and challenges in the Moldovan higher education system. In a first step, the political and socio-economic context of higher education reforms is outlined. Secondly, core trends in the higher education system are depicted – ranging from a diversification of the higher education landscape to the accession to the Bologna Process and the impact of a demographic crisis. Thirdly, the role of the EU as an external actor in the reform process is reviewed. Finally, the paper closes with main findings and an outlook on development prospects for the higher education system in Moldova.
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The sectoral working groups have represented the hope of the Transnistrian settlement in the last two years by the dynamics they had in establishing an agenda and implementing the agreed solutions, but the current developments have shown on the one hand the importance of these working tools in the settlement of conflicts on the one hand. part, but also their limits on the other. The definition of the mechanisms that determine the efficiency, or on the contrary, blocks this kind of approach, unique in the landscape of conflict management, is observable in the current evolution of events in the region.
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