Around the Bloc: Turkmenistan Shows Off New Chinese Missile System
Development could be a sign of shifting balance of power in Central Asia.
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Development could be a sign of shifting balance of power in Central Asia.
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Bullets fired after car refuses to stop at checkpoint, drawing ire of human rights activists.
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Poland’s Kaczynski suggests the former U.S. president have his head examined over campaign comments.
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Greeks accept olive branch over WWII, but rights of ethnic minorities, handling of current migrant crisis, remain heated.
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The article deal with the topic of: if the 21st century is the Chinese century? On the whole, it cannot be denied that China’s national strength gains momentum, but needs to be careful and con-stantly secure its future energy supplies and this means a wide range of geopolitical activities. Ac-cordingly, it must also adhere to its “peace policymaking” in order to remain reliable to the global market. Unquestionably, America has reasons to the treat China as a potent competitor even if China’s purpose is to retain the cautious character of its policy towards the USA. The is no guaran-tee that China will alter the future of international politics and replace the USA as a hegemony
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Extensively discussed and analyzed (many times controversial), globalization is accepted as an objective phenomenon, by its size and unrivaled evolution in the world history. Both globalization and regionalization have emerged and developed as a result of the unprecedented intensification of competition among economic agents, countries or regions. Many countries have been helped to develop at a much faster pace than they would have normally done under other circumstances. An advantage of the accelerated development of their economies was explained by reducing barriers to international trade (as a globalization effect). The international trade can significantly contribute to the growth of a nation, and on its turn,being influenced by the exports, represents the central component of a state’s economic policy, one that contributes to improving living standards of millions of people and to the national development. (Drucker, P.,1997). However, this requires a shift of the human factor from one area of the world to another. The temporary or permanent migration, driven by the economic development, may still be an important element to strengthen the power of certain economies on the detriment of others? Absolutely. In fact, the economic future will be a regionalization of wealth in other areas than those well known. And this will lead or amplify,at every level, the social, politic, economic and even military confrontations.
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This article argues that female migratory flows in Italy can be considered as a gender-based method of female empowerment and social mobility of women (both within society and the family structure). In Italy, in the last three decades, the migration flow has changed in terms of magnitude, the subjects involved and the migration methods, making the difference between forced and voluntary migration slippery and confused. In spite of the overwhelming presence of women in migration flows, until recently the general assumption drew the international migrants as young, economically motivated men, totally neglecting the role of women. This article argues that by paying attention to the existing relationship between the women’s social position and migration we can better understand aspects of the process of migration previously neglected. Moreover, this article aims to bridge the gap between the macro analysis (an almost exclusive focus on the structural causes of migration) and the micro dimension (a focus on the migrant as a rational subject). Finally, it aims to underline how deceptively and confused are the no-natural categorises of regular and irregular migrant. In this context, the article analyses the two main entering channels of female migrations in Italy: a specific aspect of the sex industry, namely trafficking for sexual exploitation, and the private care market.
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Au XXIe siècle, il nous faudra résoudre une équation dont les termes sont complexes. Les fortes aspirations à la reconnaissance portées par les mouvements nationalitaires, du Québec à la Catalogne en passant par l'Ecosse et la Corse* 1, peuvent difficilement être ignorées dans les États libéraux. Cela n'implique toutefois pas que chaque peu ple ainsi mobilisé disposerait d'un «droit naturel inaliénable» à un État indépendant. Dans certains cas, cette perspective est inévitable, soit que le cadre étatique commun ait implosé (ex-Yougoslavie), soit qu'il s'agisse de respecter la logique de décolonisation (Palestine, Timor-Oriental). Néanmoins, la multiplication d'États à fondement identitaire prononcé - associés prioritairement à un groupe ethno-culturel -, outre qu'elle risque de nourrir une instabilité régionale chronique*, entacherait durablement l'idéal pluraliste de la démocratie. Il convient dès lors d'œuvrer plutôt en faveur du dépassement de l'État-nation en reformulant deux principes: celui de l'autodétermination et celui de l'association étroite entre une culture et un État. Ainsi serait-il possible d'ouvrir résolument la voie à la multinationals, une perspective que le renforcement d'échelons supranationaux, en particulier en Europe, rend désormais à la fois tangible et nécessaire.
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Regional organizations are increasingly pivotal in international systems, prompting even powerful states to actively seek cooperation with them. ASEAN, originating modestly, has evolved into a prominent regional organization in Southeast Asia and stands as the sole diverse structure in the Asia Pacific. Meanwhile, Japan maintains its status as one of the world's leading countries. Strengthening collaboration with ASEAN, Japan is formulating programs and initiatives beneficial to both parties across economic, social, political, cultural, and other spheres. This article delves into the historical significance of ASEAN's impact on Japanese politics, focusing on Japan's role in cooperative efforts with ASEAN.
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Since early 2018, Bosnia and Herzegovina has been facing an increased influx of migrants who enter the country illegally, call for international protection, but do not want to stay in Bosnia and Herzegovina because the highly developed countries of the European Union are their final destination. Irregular migrations faced by the member states of the European Union as well as the countries of the Western Balkans had many political, social, cultural and security implications. The European Union, determined to stop irregular migration, adopted a series of strategic documents, including the Action Plan for the Western Balkans, where one of the key elements of that plan is the return of irregular migrants to their countries of origin. However, the question arises to what extent Bosnia and Herzegovina has built its strategic, legal and institutional framework that would enable the efficient removal of irregular migrants from its territory. The aim of this paper is to review the approach to the detention of irregular migrants and its importance in these processes, as well as the importance of the readmission and return of irregular migrants in the comprehensive migration management process. The paper will analyse the data on the measures taken against irregular migrants in Bosnia and Herzegovina presented through the decisions on expulsion and detention, make a presentation of concluded agreements on readmission with other countries, and analyse data on the activities undertaken on the implementation of agreements on the readmission and removal of irregular migrants from the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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The paper considers the meaning of the term “floor-crossing”, its basic kinds, legislative regulation and features of party switching in Ukraine since its independence. It has been found out that crossing the floor, change of political orientations and, as a consequence, adjustment of pre-election promises, the reality the Ukrainian politician face. Floor crossing in the Ukrainian Parliament has become a phenomenon that altered coalitions, generated opportunism and political corruption. It has been established that in modern practice there are two possible ways of influencing the process of inter-party switching: a legislative ban or a purely formal condemnation of the deputy’s/party’s actions on the part of the electorate and party members. To reduce the number of switching between factions, Ukraine has a so-called imperative mandate (a special version of it). It applies only to the deputies who are elected from the lists of political parties. Consequently, the problem lies in the partial legislative regulation of the problem of “floor-crossing”, which should be enshrined in new regulations /normative acts/. This acquires particular significance in the context of Russian military aggression and possible subversive activity of pro-Russian politicians, whose activities should be ruled out by such legislative acts. Any attempts to discredit the country on the part of deputies, making advances to the aggressor, should have legal consequences and the possibility for the electorate to influence the politician being elected. It has been found that frequent party switching discredits electoral and parliamentary system and shows flaws in the selection of personalities and why they go into politics; in addition, it can also indicate the strength or weakness of political parties. It has been proven that excessive and nontransparent motivated floor-crossing of deputies is becoming rarer with each new convocation, indicating a positive trend in the qualitative selection of candidates for deputies among party members. The final consolidation of the proportional system with open lists in the Electoral Code and the legislative regulation of inter-party/inter-factional switching should be the basis of qualitative deputy composition and commitment to declared political ideas.
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The present study investigates the relationship between democratic practice and foreign direct investment (FDI) in Bangladesh. There is an ongoing debate in academia regarding the effect of democracy on FDI inflow. Historically, FDI depends on stable democracy apart from many other relevant factors. This study used time series data from 1975 to 2015 for Bangladesh and estimated suitable econometric models. This study showed that the relationship between democracy and FDI is statistically insignificant in the long run.
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In most cases, the rules of the game in international trade are shaped by political economy, but this interplay is more noticeable in politically sensitive sectors such as agriculture. The balance between domestic political interests and the considerations concerning international relations changes over time in response to the joint action of a variety of factors, and this is mirrored in the multilateral trade regime governing this sector. Combining a broad set of empirical evidence available at the international level, this paper aims to capture the pattern of tariff and non-tariff protectionism in the global agricultural trade. The investigation leads to some stylized facts emerging from the selected data and provides interesting conclusions on the behaviour of governments in the equation of balancing domestic interests with the need for international collaboration. The pattern of protectionism in international trade in agricultural products is tariff--based, with a tendency towards softening of this protection in both developed and developing economies. Tariff protection is accompanied by a much lower level of non-tariff protection, where the most frequently used instrument is sanitary and phytosanitary standards, for reasons dictated partly by the specific nature of the sector.
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The automotive industry is one of the fastest growing industries, an important employer, a significant investor in research and development, and also one of the most important sectors of the EU economy. In recent years, however, this sector has been going through a series of structural changes and territorial transfers. Exactly for these reasons, it is crucial to examine the competitiveness of the automotive industry on a national level, analyse the long-term trends in the EU, and put them in a global context. The article uses the standard methods of statistical analysis of indices of revealed symmetrical comparative advantage to detect the trends characterising the shape and development of the automotive industry in Europe. The authors point out the significant shifts in production and exports from the traditional Western European car makers in favour of the new EU member states, but also from the USA and Canada in favour of the new, fast-growing developing countries in South and Southeast Asia and in Latin America. The final part of the article offers a brief outline of the European Commission's response to these changes in the automotive industry in the form of an Action Plan CARS 2020.
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Against the background of the global crises and the urgency it created, the authors attempt to problematise the pathways to empowering the peripheries of the world – the victimised, excluded, humiliated and entangled. As assumptions relevant for the empowerment of the peripheries they discuss: the need to re-read one’s own history; “accurate reconnaissance” of the current local circumstances; understanding the “workings of the global neoliberal capitalism”; focusing on integrating, making use of new scientific insights, reinvigorating fundamental values and generating internal actors of change; establishing new transformative alliances of the peripheries. The assumptions are contextualized in relation to the process of transition taking place in post-apartheid South Africa and post-socialist Serbia.
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This paper examines the contributions of public-Private partnership in Agriculture to grassroots development with emphasis on Shonga Farms’ experience. The curiosity to conduct the study was predicated on the need to determine the viability of commercializing agriculture in developing country like Nigeria. The main objectives of the study are to evaluate the contributions of Shonga Farms to rural development in food supply, income generation, infrastructural development and employment generation in Shonga communities of Kwara State. In efforts toward achieving the above objectives, stakeholder’s theory was adopted as a theoretical underpinning for the paper. Methodologically, the paper adopted a survey research design for data collection. Out of 204 questionnaire administered to selected respondents, 183 were completed and returned properly. Subsequently, descriptive statistics and Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) were adopted for the analysis of research questions and test of hypotheses. The findings of the study reveal that Shonga Farm has significantly increased the capacity of employment generation, food production, income generation and infrastructural development in Shonga community. However, the inability to complete Kanji Dam irrigation project made it difficult for the company to farm during the dry seasons. Overall, the study recommended for a reduction in the high rate of tariff on imported farm equipment and inputs in order to enable Shonga Farms procure high quality inputs such as: seeds, fertilizers, herbicides and machineries. The Central Bank of Nigeria and Nigeria Agricultural Cooperative and Rural Development Bank should come to the aid of Shonga Farm by ensuring speedy completion of Kanji Dam irrigation project to encourage all round farming throughout the year.
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The contemporary world order is highly fluid and rife with uncertainties. Due to these shifts, the author’s main goal is to critically analyse the trajectories of the development of the contemporary world order and India’s place and role within it. Geopolitically, the world has undergone a massive metamorphosis. The old bipolar world order has given way to a new multipolar world order. The East-West conflict has paved the way for a new North-South conflict. Even though the US still remains the only superpower, especially from a political and military perspective, its supremacy has faced increasing challenges with the rise of China’s economic power. Both China and Russia have challenged the Western rule-based liberal international order. A clear demonstration of this is the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, which began on February 24, 2022. At the same time, there is a perceptible shift from geopolitics to geoeconomics. Due to changing global circumstances, India has aligned itself with Western groupings like the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, or the Quad, whose member countries are the US, Australia, Japan, and India. In this paper, the author has examined and critically forecasted India’s futuristic role, albeit acknowledging its somewhat subservient role in the contemporary world order.
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The article presents the process of stabilizing the economy in the republic of Moldova in the years 2021–2022. During this period, new internal and external conditions emerged in Moldova that affected the results achieved by the Moldovan economy. The year 2021 went down in the economic history of this country as the year in which the highest GDP growth of 13.9% was recorded compared to the previous year. In turn, in 2022, the growth of Moldovan GDP was negative. This was largely due to external factors such as the increase in energy prices and Russia’s armed aggression against Ukraine. These factors forced the Moldovan authorities to adapt to these conditions. The article attempts to show how in 2021-2022 the above-mentioned factors determined the course of economic stabilization in the Republic of Moldova, without taking into account the region of Transnistria.
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The main purpose of the article was to identify the importance of post-Soviet airports in the shaping of new economic spaces in the western regions of Poland. The study included an analysis of selected aspects of spatial development of seven airports used before 1989 by the Soviet Army. The analysis was based on data obtained from the Topographic Objects Database and data on economic activity collected during field studies. The study showed that the appropriate use of the areas of former airports may be conducive to the economic development of the municipalities in which they are located. However, an extremely impor- tant role is played by the factors associated with the location of post-military area, largely conditioning the achievement of success in their use for economic purposes.
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The aim of this paper is to evaluate the level of sustainable development in selected Europeancountries – taking into account its economic, social, environmental and cultural dimensions, aswell as the level of diversification of the phenomenon in the entities under analysis. The analysisassumes that culture has a positive impact on sustainable development measures. The selectionof countries was based on indicators of their ethnic and cultural diversity. The time range of theanalysis is 2012 and 2019, and the data source was the Eurostat database. A taxonomic method (linear ordering method) was used in the analysis of the research problem. The achievement of theaim was determined by limitations in the selection of indicators and the availability and validity ofdata in European statistics. Based on research to date, it can be concluded that, in the cultural aspect,the same number of countries presented a very high and high level of sustainable development(5) as those presenting a low and very low level (5). The cultural aspect has substantially greatermeaning for the sustainability development of the countries characterised by high cultural diversity.Taking this aspect into account while conducting analyses makes it possible use the most valuable,endogenous characteristics of a given population for forging an effective relationship with the otherelements of sustainable development.
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