České strany a jejich kandidáti: Případ voleb do Poslanecké sněmovny v roce 2010

Author(s): Peter Spáč / Language(s): Czech / Publication Year: 2013

Elections constitute a central component of all democratic political systems. Conventionally, the institute of elections is seen is an instrument of conferring and renewing political legitimacy of state officials, as well as a vehicle for expressing citizens’ preferences regarding the future of their country or some other territorial entity. Their particular shape is specified by electoral systems which translate the voters’ political will into the make-up of the elected body (typically parliaments). On the face of it, such a definition emphasises the “technical” aspect of distributing seats among successful parties; we cannot however ignore the fact that elections have an important personal dimension. Their point is always also to select particular people to elected offices and functions.So understood, elections simultaneously represent the outcome of a distinct organisational process that temporally precedes them. Selection of candidates constitutes an inseparable part of the pre-election period, together with formulating election programmes, planning the election campaign and raising funds for it. As a topic of scholarly research in political science, candidate selection (also preselection) has been gradually gaining ground, and both theoretical and empirical resources have been continually expanded. However, whereas international trends are apparent in this regard, the Czech political-scientific community still treats preselection as a topic of secondary importance. This fact underlines the relevance of the present book, which aims to provide an in-depth inquiry into this issue in the Czech context.

České strany a jejich kandidáti: Případ voleb do Poslanecké sněmovny v roce 2010

Author(s): Peter Spáč / Language(s): Czech / Publication Year: 2013

Elections constitute a central component of all democratic political systems. Conventionally, the institute of elections is seen is an instrument of conferring and renewing political legitimacy of state officials, as well as a vehicle for expressing citizens’ preferences regarding the future of their country or some other territorial entity. Their particular shape is specified by electoral systems which translate the voters’ political will into the make-up of the elected body (typically parliaments). On the face of it, such a definition emphasises the “technical” aspect of distributing seats among successful parties; we cannot however ignore the fact that elections have an important personal dimension. Their point is always also to select particular people to elected offices and functions.

Çevre politikasinin ekonomik ve mali araçları: çevre vergileri üzerine teorik bir inceleme

Author(s): Muhammed Yunus Bilgili,Emrah Firidin / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 2/2017

From the second half of the twentieth century, the states seem to have created environmental policies in order to cope with the environmental issues that are affecting them. Environmental policy can be defined briefly as a policy set that includes the environmental principles and objectives of states. The ability to achieve the objectives set out in environmental policy in an intangible way depends on the development of policy instruments that are in terms of these objectives. Environmental policy instruments can be divided into two main groups; administrative instruments based on the state's command authority and economic and financial instruments. Economical and fiscal instruments providing economic incentives on economic units that aim to change the behavior of both producers and consumers. It can be said that the most favored application instrument among the economic and fiscal instruments are the environmental taxes. The aim of this study is to examine theoretically the environmental taxes which find wide application in environmental policies. The characteristics, types, sources, advantages and disadvantages of environmental taxes and their application problems are studied from a theoretical point of view.

ÇOK PARTİLİ SİYASAL HAYATIN DÖNÜM NOKTASI: 1950 SEÇİMLERİ

Author(s): Yeşim KARADENİZ / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 16/2018

The political reform movements materialized with the promulgation of the Republic were required to be passed on to a multi-party life on behalf of democracy but the fact that social and political environment was not ready for the current movements led to postpone this situation. The loss of importance of authoritarian regimes under the influence of the Second World War and the strengthening of the democracy discourse have led to the tendency of Turkish politics, which has experienced multi-party life twice, to take new steps on this phase. The third multiparty political life attempt took place by the establishment of National Development Party in 1945. However, this party, which was not well organized and stayed behind the scenes, has not been able to act like an opposition party. The lack of opposition party in Turkish politics in those years ended with the establishment of the Democrat Party, which was one of the important opposition parties that contribute to multi-party politics and democracy, and the raise of its power with the 1950 elections by taking consideration the political background of that period.

Élections, comportements et psychologie politique. Analyse statistique des élections législatives

Author(s): Silviu-Petru Grecu / Language(s): French / Issue: 13/2018

This paper presents several features of the Romanian electoral process. At the theoretical level, the study presents the main theoretical directions for exploring political behaviour. The recent theoretical perspectives underline the role played by cognitive and ideological variables in shaping electoral behaviour. At the empirical level, the study proposes the analyses of the Romanian parliamentary elections among 2000-2016. In this context, we have tested the relationship between: voter turnout, white and null votes, ideological vote, unemployment rate and inflation rate. The statistical results reflect a positive correlations between voter turnout and ideological vote (R2= 0.717, p = 0.01) and inflation rate (R2= 0.632, p = 0.03). Thus, at the behavioural level we can stress the hybrid model based on ideological beliefs and economic interest.

Érdekeltség-alapú állampolgárság és transznacionális politikai részvétel: a külső szavazás normatív értékelése

Author(s): Rainer Bauböck / Language(s): Hungarian / Issue: 1/2014

Łukasz Jakubiak, Referendum jako narzędzie polityki. Francuskie doświadczenia ustrojowe, Księgarnia Akademicka, Kraków 2012, 289 stron

Author(s): Elżbieta Kużelewska / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 1/2014

Review of: Łukasz Jakubiak, "Referendum jako narzędzie polityki. Francuskie doświadczenia ustrojowe"; Księgarnia Akademicka, Kraków 2012, 289 pages; by: Elżbieta Kużelewska

Šta pravila ne mogu: beli listići kao povlačenje pristanka

Author(s): Rastislav Dinić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 87.33/2017

Što nam predsjednički izbori mogu reći o političkim trendovima u Hrvatskoj

Author(s): Andrija Henjak / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 3/2019

Netom održani predsjednički izbori četvrti su po redu na kojima se pokazuje trend koji je već 15 godina vidljiv na svim ostalim izborima u Hrvatskoj. Trend se ukratko može opisati kao slabljenje snage stranačkih blokova ljevice i desnice i porast broja birača koji ne pripadaju niti lijevom niti desnom bloku. Od Borisa Mikšića, Nadana Vidoševića, Ivana Vilibora Sinčića, Miroslava Škore, Mislava Kolakušića, Darija Ju¬ričana, Ivana Pernara, Dalije Orešković, čak i Milana Bandića, Dragana Primorca ili Milana Kujundžića, dugačak je popis kandidata koji su na predsjedničkim izborima osvojili značajan broj glasova, iako nisu bili kandidati glavnih stranaka odnosno stranačkih blokova. Dok su neki od njih imali prepoznatljivu ideološku poziciju i bili ograničeni na birače jednog dijela političkog spektra, većina ih ipak nije nastupala s jasnim političkim identitetom ljevice ili desnice utemeljenim na odnosu prema po¬vijesti, tradiciji i religiji, kakve u Hrvatskoj imamo. Naprotiv, znatan je dio kandidata jasno pokušavao ostati izvan tih podjela, iako to u hrvatskom političkom kontekstu, gdje političkim i medijskim diskursom dominiraju te teme, nije lako postići.

Što s preferencijskim glasovanjem? Iskustvo Austrije

Author(s): Zlatko J. Vujović / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 15/2018

The author looks at the complex Austrian electoral system and its political implications for the party system and for the legislative and executive powers. With the reform of the electoral legislation in the Second Republic, which introduced preferential voting and closed and nonblocked lists, voters got the right to give a preference vote to one of the candidates on the list they voted for. This, however, did not bring significant improvements in terms of more personalized election and political representation. In almost thirty years (1959-1990), only one candidate was elected to Parliament thanks to preferential votes, and few have managed to do so since. The author believes that attempts at personalizing election and political representation have failed because the electoral system is fraught with institutes and mechanisms that do not encourage such personalization strongly enough, such as optional preferential voting, too high quota of preference votes for a candidate to be elected, "technical" difficulties in implementing preferential voting at province level, as well as voters' reluctance to overcome such difficulties. On top of that, political parties have got centralized and exclusive parliamentary election candidate selection procedures, where the party leadership plays a crucial role, thus encouraging candidates to give precedence to the party campaign, instead of using a personalized one.

Švedska politika i parlamentarni izbori 1991.

Author(s): Štefica Deren-Antoljak / Language(s): Croatian / Issue: 04/1991

The specific and stable characteristics of Swedish politics and of Swedish Social Democracy are undergoing profound changes today. The period marked by an expansion of the public sector, centralized collective negotiations based on a historical compromise between work and capital, as well as central planning, has come to an end. Various measures of social policy which in the 1960-ties were giving significant impetus to Swedish economic and social development, have now the very opposite function. The exaggerated care on the part of the state which interferes with almost all aspects of human life from birth to death is experienced by Swedish citizens as a danger threatening to socialize their private lives. This care on the part of the system is so great that it has turned into a counterproductive instrument in many o f its aspects. The changes that Swedish society is undergoing have had their effect upon the results of the elections in autumn of 1991 when the Swedish Social Democrats suffered serious losses in getting only 37,6% of the votes, the party’s lowest election result since 1928. After the elections Swedish Social Democrats decided to withdraw and assume the role of parliamentary opposition after dominating the Swedish political scene for more than 55 years.

ZÁVĚR

Author(s): Stanislav Balík / Language(s): Czech / Publication Year: 0

The regional level of elections demonstrates that in spite of various anticipated limitations, it is possible to develop and refine concepts andresearch tools for parliamentary elections as well. Having 13 concurrent elections in a single political space offers an opportunity for researchers for synchronous comparison that otherwise does not exist. The authors of this monograph believe that this book will create an impetus to encourage further additional research on politics and society (not only) in the Czech Republic.

ZRÓŻNICOWANIE PRZESTRZENNE ZACHOWAŃ WYBORCZYCH MIESZKAŃCÓW GMINY SZADEK W WYBORACH PREZYDENCKICH I PARLAMENTARNYCH W 2015 ROKU

Author(s): Michał Kowalski / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 16/2016

The article presents the voting behaviour in the municipality of Szadek in the elections of 2015. The investigation of the electoral behaviour comprises the turnout and voting results in each of the electoral districts, and a synthetic city-countryside comparison. The article is an attempt to explain the variation in voter turnout and transfers within the electorate.

Zróżnicowanie przestrzenne zachowań wyborczych w miastach prezydenckich. Wybory sejmowe 2015

Author(s): Rafal Matyja / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 36/2016

The text presents the results of the survey concerning voting behaviour of residents of 107 main Polish cities in 2015 parliamentary election. Its aim is the analysis of dissimilarity of results concerning different lists in electoral districts with reference to the level of support in the whole town, with the use of voting behaviour diversity index. Ten cities with the highest diversity indication were analysed in detail and especially the districts whose results differed the most from the whole town results were checked. Proposed explanations concern the type of settlement and groups living in a given district.

Zwycięskie preferencje. Skuteczność głosów preferencyjnych w systemie proporcjonalnym z listami otwartymi

Author(s): Adam Gendźwiłł,Jarosław Flis,Dariusz Stolicki / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 29/2018

The article presents the usage of the preference votes in open-list proportional representation system (OLPR). The electoral rules condition the efficiency of the casted votes, i.e. the extent to which the voters’ preferences affect the distribution of seats. In the OLPR system the “wasted votes” may refer not only to the representation of party preferences, but also personal preferences frequently expressing distinct territorial identities. Using the data from Polish Sejm elections, as well as the sub-national elections, the authors analyze the usage and outcomes of the preference votes. During the last two decades in Sejm elections the share of efficient preference votes (casted for the elected representatives) was only slightly higher than the share of votes casted for the losing candidates; in case of the sub-national elections, the latter category of votes visibly prevailed. The authors analyze in detail the differences between the elections, parties and Sejm electoral districts, representing various characteristics. Non-parametrical regression analysis provides the list of factors influencing the efficiency of preferential votes, which is generally in agreement with the theoretical expectations. The largest shares of efficient preference votes may be observed in the districts of a high magnitude, and a lower level of fragmentation (both party and territorial).

АБСЕНТЕИЗМ В ПОЛИТИКЕ: ПРИЧИНЫ И ПОСЛЕДСТВИЯ

Author(s): Kseniya Igorevna Arinina / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 1/2014

This article concerns voluntary abstention from vote among citizens, which has become a palpitating problem in many states around the globe. An analysis of the subjective and objective reasons for absenteeism and its possible consequences for the political system of a state is presented. A differentiation between haphazard and protest absentees is provided. The particular characteristics of absenteeism in modern Russia and the grounds for the low interest of Russian citizens in politics are studied. A conclusion is made that self-alienation has a decisive impact on the level of political activity in the Russian Federation.

АКЦИОНА ОСНОВА ПОЛИТИЧКЕ МОБИЛИЗАЦИЈЕ СРПСКЕ ОПОЗИЦИЈЕ У 1990. ГОДИНИ

Author(s): Vladimir Ribić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 3/2013

Political mobilization consists of actions and their legitimizations based on an activist and legitimizing foundation. The activist basis stems from the basic structure of the political system which consists of principals of political organizing and action. The legitimization has its roots in core political values and ideas which serve to legitimize the political system. In this paper I will analyze the activist basis of the political mobilization of the Serbian opposition in 1990.

АНАЛИЗА МЕДИЈСКОГ ДИСКУРСА ПРЕДИЗБОРНЕ ХРОНИКЕ У ЦЕНТРАЛНИМ ИНФОРМАТИВНИМ ЕМИСИЈАМА НА ПРВИМ ПРОГРАМИМА РАДИЈА И ТЕЛЕВИЗИЈЕ ВОЈВОДИНЕ

Author(s): Dejan Pralica / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2016

The aim of this paper is to show how the provincial public service, in its news programs on both radio and television – Novosti and Dnevnik , reported on political activities during the election campaign in April 2016. The corpus of this paper is six news programs (three radio programs and three television news programs) that is, 46 stories in which the participants of the campaign were mentioned. Quantitative and qualitative analyses comprise all the stories which were a part of the election coverage, as well as the stories which were not a part of the coverage, but whose actors were politicians. A separate part of this research is the marking of the so-called hidden political marketing that is, the abuse of political power during the campaign. The analysis of the simple random sample of the news programs broadcast on the 13th, 14th , 20th and 21st April 2016 showed that the journalists of the provincial public service reported professionally about the participants of the election campaign. However, outside the election coverage, the advantage was given to the parties which were in power at the state level, although they criticized the reporting of the Radio and television of Vojvodina, claiming that they gave advantage to the parties in power at the provincial level.

Бели шум на друштвеним мрежама: улога друштвеног капитала у изборним кампањama

Author(s): Zoran Ćirjaković / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 4/2018

The author analyzes some of the reasons why social media did not significantly influence the results of the Serbian presidential elections held in April 2017 and why the influence was largely negative. The internal political and foreign policy factors are noted that contributed to the predictable outcome of the elections and frustrated anti-regime activism. Putting an emphasis on the activities of supporters of the opposition candidates on Twitter, the author presents their discourse and highlights the reasons for it leading to destructive polarization and, in essence, making the task of the candidate of the ruling coalition easier. Even when it comes to the most wired segment of the urban population, the abundance of insults and ugly words, often aimed not at the candidate of the ruling coalition but at regime’s supporters and other opposition candidates, was an important feature of the engagement that was more focused on raising social capital and reinforcing autoorientalist markers of distinction rather than on meaningful struggle for change. A set of factors is highlighted that contributed to the increasingly important social media social capital acting as an obstacle to democratization, effective political engagement and the badly needed change of political culture. In the specific nature and dynamics of the political scene shaped over the past decades and the anti-social flip-side of social media, the author finds the reasons for pessimism when it comes to the possibility of social media getting a more constructive role in the election campaigning in Serbia. The paper focuses on Twitter, the elite-tilted social network of choice in electoral campaigns worldwide, to examine the role of a set of key factors that both frustrated and contributed to negative effects of social media campaigning of the anti-regime activists. First, combination of strong distinction-reinforcing and auto-orientalist drives further marginalized and self-ghettoized oppositional activism, simultaneously provoking the strong anti-elitist and populist backlash, which favored the ruling coalition’s candidate. Second, the regime skillfully cornered both pro-Western and pro-Russian alliances and sentiments, leaving almost no space for meaningful campaigning to unimaginative opposition candidates, who saw Serbia’s future in autocolonial terms, as outsourcing of the state’s sovereignty in exchange for material and political benefits from either Russia or one of the Western metropolitan states. In given circumstances, opposition activists’ campaigning on social networks degenerated into a combination of sullied intra-oppositional “civil war“ and anti-political diary of insults, directed more at the regime impoverished supporters than at the regime’s candidate himself. What the resilient, authoritarian but not repressive regime might have felt as little more than a mildly irritating “white noise”, general public largely experienced as a narcissistic and vulgar enterprise detached from their concerns and aspirations.

Влияние институциональных факторов на детерминацию электорального выбора в Украине

Author(s): Viktoria Bun / Language(s): Russian / Issue: 1/2015

This article is aimed at analyzing the influence of institutional factors on the determination of electoral choice in Ukraine. The essence, factors, and main theories of electoral choice have been analyzed. The institutional factors include the following: the form of government, psychological aspect of electoral system, amount of authorities of the elected institute, the role of the elections during the formation of the government, electoral setup. The influence of the psychological effect of the election system in the elections to Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in 2002, 2006, 2007, and 2012 has been noticed in the form of reduction of the number of parties, as well as in a more concentrated distribution of the votes. Elections to Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine are determined as the “second-order elections”.