Wątki pamięci w kampaniach wyborów samorządowych. Polska 2018

Author(s): Anna Ratke-Majewska / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 2/2019

The use of threads of memory during election campaigns has a great political potential. Recalling the history of the community may contribute to the success of campaign activities, thanks to which the issues of remembrance of the past appear in the strategies of many election committees. And although the problem of the use of threads of memory before elections could be discussed through the prism of the various levels of elections, this article proposes a narrower perspective. The purpose of this text is to present the issue of recalling memory – using the narratives of memory and commemoration – in local government elections. What is important, the main discussed problem is based on the case of local government elections in Poland in 2018, and is presented through the analysis of three examples of the use of threads of memory during election campaigns (the content analysis of media reports). These examples came from Katowice, Warsaw and Bialystok, and its discussion contributed to the formulation of final conclusions.

Wybór opcji czy osoby? Determinanty zachowań wyborczych mieszkańców województwa podkarpackiego w wyborach do Parlamentu Europejskiego w 2014 r. w świetle badań empirycznych

Author(s): Dominik Szczepański / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 10/2015

The aim of the article was to present factors influencing voting behaviours of the Subcarpathian Voivodeship citizens during European Parliament elections in 2014, in the light of the conducted empirical research. The indicators that guided voters when casting votes to ballot boxes were analysed on the basis of a set of variables, such as: the attractiveness of election programmes and political parties, competences of candidates, the role of the Catholic Church during the election campaign, or the awareness of voters (self-reliance in making electoral decisions or its lack). The analysis and interpretations from the conducted research were preceded by a voting description of the Subcarpathian Voivodeship, treated, on a electoral map of Poland, as a specific region due to its above average support given to candidates and parties of right-wing provenance. In the final part conclusions drawn from the analytical process were presented.

Wybory w regionie zachodniopomorskim i w regionie podkarpackim. „Specyfika” Ziem Zachodnich

Author(s): Ryszard Czyszkiewicz / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 3/2015

The article deals with the phenomenon of diversification of electoral votes between the inhabitants of two Polish regions – Zachodnioporskie and Podkarpackie regions. There is a huge distant between these two regions (in geographical sense) but the main socio-economic data describing both societies are of little difference. Nevertheless, the outcomes of every Parliamentary votes are largely different and even contrary in both regions. The article contains the samples of the differences, describes some explanations and points the consequences targeting on two “territorial tribes” showing contrary worlds of values.

Wybory w Związku Radzieckim w dobie kształtowania i stabilizacji systemu władzy: rys historyczny, regulacje prawne i praktyki wyborcze

Author(s): Michał Siedziako / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 26/2018

The way in which the members of soviets were elected in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics had very little to do, aside from its name, with free elections which are the basic procedurę of each democratic political system. The voters would merely validate the decisions made within the committees of the communist party which carefully controlled the candidate selection. The candidate nomination was tantamount to being ‘elected’, as there was one candidate for each mandate. Each soviet was intended to reflect the structure of the society, yet the key posts were reserved by the communist activists. Each candidate before the nomination had to be verified, electoral campaigns were only directed in detail shows. In order to increase the voter turnout, and thus prove the socialist ‘unanimity’ of the society, the authorities made use of various pressure methods, propaganda as well as various manipulations. The article presents a historical-political analysis of the elections in the Soviet Union, focusing on the three basic issues: building of a new electoral system after the October Revolution 1917, legal regulations and electoral practices in the USSR in the period of stabilization of the ruling system.

Wybrane determinanty poparcia kandydatów podczas wyborów gminnego organu wykonawczego

Author(s): Sławomir Bartnicki / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 23/2017

The article presents the verification, with the use of multiple regression and ANCOVA analysis of variance, of the impact of selected variables on the number of votes obtained by candidates for communal executive offices in the first ballot of direct elections. The results demonstrate, among others, that the status of incumbent has the strongest positive impact on the discussed support, whereas incumbents who apply for the second term may achieve the greatest “profit” in this regard.

Wygaśnięcie mandatu parlamentarzysty unormowane w kodeksie wyborczym

Author(s): Mariusz Poślednik / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 3/2014

The article deals with the expiry of the mandate of a Member of Parliament (a Deputy or Senator) inrelations to the “termination” of the mandate for reasons other than the end of the term of the Chamberin the statutorily prescribed date. The author describes the preconditions for the expiry of the MP’s mandate, specified in Article 247 § 1 and § 2, Article 279 § 1 and § 2 of the Electoral Code.These preconditions are: the death of an MP; loss of eligibility or lack of it on the election day; deprivationof the mandate of a final and valid decision of the Tribunal of State; waiver of the mandate;holding on the election day a position or function, which pursuant to the provisions of the Constitutionor statutes is incompatible with the seat of an MP; appointment during the term for the positionor assignment of functions which — pursuant to the provisions of the Constitution or statutes — isincompatible with the seat of deputy or senator, as well as being elected during the term of parliamentto the office of Member of the European Parliament.

Wymóg terytorialnego rozłożenia głosów w wyborach prezydenckich

Przypadek Kenii

Author(s): Igor Dobrzeniecki / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 4/2017

Kenyan society consists of many different ethnic and religious groups. Additionally, it is characterised by significant inequalities in the access of particular segments of the population to political and economic goods. In 1992, in order to pacify potential conflicts between opposing ethnic groups and due to Western states’ pressure for democratisation, the ruling regime in Kenya introduced the so-called centripetal requirement for the territorial distribution of votes in presidential elections. According to it, to win an election, a candidate must gain at least 25% of the valid votes in more than half of all major divisions in Kenya. As a consequence, the state was to be governed by a ‘pan-ethnic’ president, compromising interethnic relations.However, the Kenyan case reflects a significant dissonance between the aim underlying a requirement and its practical functioning. The fact that presidential candidates use ethnic differences in their electoral campaigns, corruption and the widespread buying of votes have made the requirement another obstacle to be overcome on the way to presidency. This article aims to clarify the essence of the centripetal requirement for the territorial distribution of votes in Kenyan presidential elections and analyse its effectiveness.

Wyniki wyborów i referendów na świecie

Author(s): Magdalena Wrzalik / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 18/2014

Results of elections and referendums throughout the world

Wyniki wyborów prezydenckich, parlamentarnych i referendów na świecie w okresie od 1 października 2016 roku do 31 marca 2017 roku

Author(s): Magdalena Wrzalik,Zuzanna Kowalczyk / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 23/2017

W okresie od 1 października 2016 roku do 31 marca 2017 roku na świecie zostało przeprowadzonych piętnaście bezpośrednich wyborów prezydenckich, dwadzieścia jeden wyborów parlamentarnych oraz dwanaście referendów ogólnokrajowych. Liczba wyborów, w stosunku do zestawienia za okres od 30 kwietnia 2016 roku do 30 października 2016 roku, była znacznie większa. Warto podkreślić, że analiza pytań referendalnych obecnego oraz ostatniego zestawienia wskazuje na coraz częstsze stosowanie tej instytucji w odniesieniu do materii konstytucyjnej. Z omawianego okresu to pawie połowa głosowań odnosiła się do nowelizacji konstytucji. Na szczególną uwagę zwraca uczynienie przedmiotem referendum problematyki wyborczej (Republika Bułgarii) oraz kwestii dotyczącej obywatelstwa dla wnuków imigrantów, problematyki podatkowej oraz energii jądrowej (Konfederacja Szwajcarska), jak również obowiązywania kwot relokacji imigrantów w Unii Europejskiej (Węgry).

Wyniki wyborów prezydenckich, parlamentarnych i referendów na świecie w okresie od 31 października 2015 roku do 31 marca 2016 roku

Author(s): Magdalena Wrzalik / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 21/2016

-

Wyzwania kampanii wyborczej Władimira Putina

Author(s): Agnieszka Legucka / Language(s): Polish / Publication Year: 2017

6 grudnia Władimir Putin ogłosił, że wystartuje w wyborach prezydenckich zaplanowanych na marzec 2018 r. Zgodnie z konstytucją FR powinna to być ostatnia kadencja sprawowana przez urzędującego prezydenta. Aby przygotować swojego następcę, musi on zwiększyć kontrolę nad elitami politycznymi oraz polepszyć komunikację ze społeczeństwem. Do tego potrzebuje wysokiej frekwencji w wyborach i umiejętnego rozgrywania grup interesów rywalizujących o dostęp do władzy.

Wzór systemu wyborczego Polski przedrozbiorowej (XV–XVIII wiek)

Author(s): Zdzisław Ilski / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 24/2017

The article presents the formation of the election system of old Poland. The process created,in evolutional way, the pattern of electing members of the Diet. It involved aiming at electingdeputies in small territorial units based on combination of unanimous and majority votes,in the system of block vote. The article discusses the implementation of this pattern in the votingsystem established within reformation of Poland at the end of XVIII century.

YEREL BASINA GÖRE 1960 İHTİLALİ’NİN BİNGÖL’E YANSIMALARI VE 1961 ANAYASA OYLAMASINDA BİNGÖL’ÜN TUTUMU

Author(s): Ebru ÇOBAN / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 10/2015

The 27 May coup is one of the significant turning points of Turkish democracy. Turkish Military Service had begun to see it as their legitimate right to involve in country’s politics after the coup which was quite important even only for its suspension of the democracy. As a result of this coup, great changes were experienced in social, political, economic and military domains of Turkey. In this study, the reflection of 27 May coup in the city of Bingöl was evaluated in all domains. The Supportive slogans and cheerful demonstrations on all platforms following the coup –as if being expected– are important in terms of showing the citizens’ psychological and social conditions. In this study, furthermore, the results of voting for the referendum of 1961 Constitution are presented in tables and also evaluated. Even though the people of Bingöl welcomed the 27 May coup with applauds and cheerful demonstrations, they revealed their real attitude toward the military coup by voting 20% against in the referendum. Even only for this aspect , the situation of the public at the time needs to be questioned.

Yerel Siyasete Katılımın Belirleyicileri: Edirne Kent Merkezinde Bir Model Denemesi

Author(s): Hakan Yaş,Sedef Zeyrekli Yaş / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 14/2017

Numerous studies predict the effects of personality traits on levels of political participation. These studies considered participation rather in terms of conventionality, unconventionality, voting turnout and active involvement. The aim of this study, which analyses the levels of politics pursued by local governments in central district of Edirne, is to predict which and to what extent personal traits of voters affect the levels they participate in. We set a model consisting of some indicators such as age, gender, graduation, level of income, and their world-views in order to estimate to what extent these traits of voters contribute to the levels of political participation based on Robert Dahl’s political participation typology, i.e. interest, concern, information. We found that some indicators affect the active participation in politics significantly whereas personality traits have no significant influence on the ‘information’ level of political participation. Categorical variables that are graduation and level of income, however, have partial roles in affecting the behaviours of voters’ political participation levels.

Yerel Yönetim Seçimlerinde Kadın Seçmen ve Temsilcilik: Çorum İli Örneği

Author(s): Gülistan Başçı / Language(s): Turkish / Issue: 1/2015

It is necessary to being effective in politics by ladies which society are need to develop Democracy comprehension. Nowadays, woman representation on local government is limited even though half of world’s population is consist of woman. The targets to be achieved is remove the difficulties to replace woman position on politics and social life. Therefore, it is necessary to change society’s opinion for misplaced woman’s position on society like as just mother role or wife role. Besides, Non-Governmental Organizations and Political Parties will support this changing of women’s role in society. In this study, it has proved hypothesis that woman representation are insufficient level on local politics all around the Turkey via applying Çorum and it’s district. For this purpose, local administrative elections has been investigated as voter profile, candidates with gender and results within 2009 and 2014. Especially, woman voter, woman candidate, winning women and it’s representative rate which were indicated in this study. All of data was obtained from Turkish Statistical Institute and Higher Selection Committee. According the result of this study, although 51% is the total rate of woman voter in provincial general election at 2009, only 4% of woman candidates have won in election. Besides, in 2014 just 23% of woman candidates have won in election. In mayoralty election at 2009, although only 4% of woman candidates have won, but there is no elected woman at 2014 in election.

Z dziejów stosunków polsko-szwedzkich w dobie przedostatniego bezkrólewia w historii Rzeczypospolitej (1733–1735)

Author(s): Zbigniew Anusik / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 1/2015

The aim of the article is to present the Polish–Swedish relations in the era of interregnum after the death of Augustus II. During the Great Northern War (1700–1721) both the Polish Republic and Sweden lost its previous importance in Central and Eastern Europe. The Polish-Lithuanian state for a long time could not overcome the post-war crisis. In Sweden, in turn, a profound political changes took place. Since 1719 the Swedish crown became an elective one and the states had taken full governance in the country. Sweden, increasingly depending on Russia, conducted a prudent and peaceful foreign policy. In the first period of ‘the Age of Liberty’ (frihetstiden) a dominant role in the Swedish political life played the President of the Chancellors Office, Count Arvid Bernhard Horn af Ekebyholm. His attitude was decisive in Swedish policy towards events in the Polish Republic during the era of the penultimate Polish interregnum. Since 1725 Stanislaw Leszczyński, father in law of King Louis XV, was the French candidate for the throne of Poland. The neighbors of the Polish Republic (Russia, Austria and Prussia), in turn, did not want the election of both Leszczyński and the son of Augustus II, Fredrick Augustus of Saxony. When in 1733 on February 1st died Augustus II, the head of the Polish Republic became interrex, Primate Teodor Potocki who openly supported the candidacy of Stanislaw Leszczyński. He sent the envoys of the Polish Republic abroad. Antoni Poniński went to Stockholm in April with the task of applying for a military aid and a clear political declaration in favor of Stanislaw Leszczyński. Sweden had decided, however, to remain neutral towards the events in Poland. It’s possible assistance for the Stanislaws’ cause was to depend on the degree of involvement of France in the Polish affairs. In May 1733 Antoni Poniński left the capital of Sweden and went to Christiania (Oslo) for a meeting with the King of Denmark, Christian VI. Here the Polish diplomat did not achieve basically nothing as well. Both Scandinavian courts avoided the explicit declaration for Stanislaw Leszczyński. Meanwhile, on September 12th 1733 the election of Stanislaw Leszczyński was held. On October 5th Stanislaws’ opponents chose for the Polish throne the elector of Saxony, Frederick Augustus II, who took the name of Augustus III. Events in Poland had become for France an expected excuse to declare war to the Emperor Charles VI (October 10th 1733). France launched a major offensive on the Rhine and northern Italy. In Versailles, however, no one was thinking about launching major operations in the Polish Republic. Meanwhile, in January 1734 Saxon army occupied Cracow. Here the local bishop, Jan Lipski, crowned the King Augustus III. At about the same time, Arvid Horn allowed Swedish volunteers to participate in the defense of Gdansk. More aid to the cause of Leszczyński, however, was not given because the Swedish Riksdag left the final decision on this issue in hands of Arvid Horn who did not intend to get involved in any Polish affairs. On October 5th 1735 France made a preliminary peace with the Emperor. On January 27th 1736, at the request of the court of Versailles, Stanislaw Leszczyński signed his abdication. The penultimate interregnum in the history of the Polish Republic was over. From Stockholm’s point of view neutrality of Sweden during war of Polish Succession proved to be supremely wise. However, many Swedes were dissatisfied with the Arvid Horn’s policy. In 1738 elections to the Riksdag were won by the opposition party of ‘Hats’. In December 1738 Arvid Horn resigned and was forced to withdraw from the political life. So one can say that the former President of the Chancellors Office had paid, after all those years, a very high price for failing to support the candidate of France during the double Polish election in 1733.

Zabrana rada i djelovanja političkih stranaka - komparativni prikaz nadležnosti ustavnih sudova zemalja iz okruženja

Author(s): Amra Jašarbegović,Rebeka Kotlo / Language(s): Bosnian / Issue: 2/2015

In the contemporary constitutional and democratic state, political parties represent one of the most important organizations of modern political action. Their constitutionalization, or introducing into the constitution the provisions which govern the principal position of the political parties and which recognize their (democratic) role in the constitutional system, influenced the appearance of different mechanisms of control and prohibition of their operation and activities. This paper analyzes the position and role of contemporary constitutional courts in controlling the operation and activities of political parties. The analysis of the practice of constitutional courts which exercise these powers, as well as of the practice of the European Court of Human Rights and of the opinions of the Venice Commission expressed by “Guidelines on Prohibition and Dissolution of Political Parties and Analogous Measures” is essential if we wish to critically evaluate the place and role of modern constitutional courts in the control of operation and activities of political parties.

Zachowania wyborcze mieszkańców miast w latach 1990–2015 a afiliacje polityczne ich prezydentów po 2002 roku

Author(s): Rafal Matyja / Language(s): Polish / Issue: 33/2015

The goal of this article is to evaluate the relationship between the profiles of main polish cities, established on the basis of nationwide presidential and parliamentary elections, and the political affiliations of City Presidents (Mayors). Based on data from six elections: three presidential ones (1995, 2005, 2015) and three parliamentary ones (1991, 2001, 2011), cities were divided into groups characterized by similar voter preferences. Then, the relationship between the permanent characteristics of behaviour in national elections and the results of City President elections was examined. The survey was concluded with an attempt to explain the regularities and the deviations observed in the behavior of voters in 107 surveyed centers.

Zakon o izmenama i dopunama zakona o izboru narodnih poslanika od 2011 – da li je poslanički mandat konačno slobodan?

Author(s): Vladan Petrov / Language(s): Serbian / Publication Year: 0

Although very important, the Law on Election of Deputies is a plain, not a constitutional law. In the period since 1992. to 2003, this law had a peculiar purpose to enable the juridisation of relation between a deputy and a political party. Instead of the explicit proclamation of free mandate, as an essential principle of constitutional democracy, the Constitution of Serbia of 2006 has created a legal basis for establishing the party imperative mandate (Article 102, paragraph 2). The Law on Altering and Amending the Law on Election of Deputies of 2011, drafted on the basis of recommendations from the Venice Commission, is an attempt to “neutralize“ the bad solution of the Constitution. However, in order to “Gordian Knot“ of the nature of the mandate of deputy loosened, the Constitution must explicitly proclaim the free mandate. Until then, the dillema about the nature of parliamentary mandate in the Republic of Serbia will remain open.

Zaradi prepričanja ali koristi? Prestopi kandidatov na starojugoslovanskih volitvah

Author(s): Bojan Balkovec / Language(s): Slovenian / Issue: 2/2000

The paper presents the legal framework for candidacy in the parliamentary elections in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and, later, in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Candidates had to be male citizens of age. The manner of compiling lists of candidates is described and the lists of candidates who stood at the 1920, 1923, 1927, 1931, 1935 and 1938 parliamentary elections are presented. These lists were grouped into three political camps - Liberal and Peasants', Catholic, and Workers'. The author has determined that only a few candidates actually switched from one camp to another. Such cases were most frequent in the Workers' camp, followed by the Catholic, Liberal and Peasants'.