Around the Bloc: Chemical Attacks Target Russian Dissident Navalny and Memorial Rights Group
Nationalist organization admits its activists were at Memorial incident, denies links to Navalny attack.
More...We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
Nationalist organization admits its activists were at Memorial incident, denies links to Navalny attack.
More...
In many modern democracies, the leaders who make important influential political decisions are highly likely to be party politicians or indeed party leaders. Very often they cannot prepare an adequate strategy for their political parties because it is usually impossible to find out all necessary elements for projecting the goals. It is not surprising that political parties are the most important organizations in modern politics and in the contemporary world, only a few states do without them. The reason that political parties are well-nigh ubiquitous is that they perform functions that are valuable to many political actors. Political parties play a major role in the recruitment of top politicians, on whom the momentous and painful political decisions often fall. With very few exceptions, political chief executives are elected on the slate of some established political party, and very often the head of government continues to serve as the head of the political party that propelled him or her into office. Democracy may be conceived as a process by which voters delegate policy-making authority to a set of representatives, and political parties are the main organizational vehicle by which such delegation takes place. The main aim of this article is focus on the minority government, which are especially common in the Scandinavian countries. They can be more easily formed and maintained where the party system makes it difficult to secure support for an alternative majority coalition to be formed, a vote of investiture is not required, and a government can stay in office unless there is an absolute majority against it. In the article will be emphasized some case studies of Denmark minority government formation and durability. General findings will be confronted with empirical data, which will allow to formulate conclusions about the specific of minority cabinet in Denmark.
More...
Socialist party with only a few seats in parliament given ministerial posts and governorships in controversial power-sharing deal.
More...
Conservatives take narrow lead in contest with economy, migrants main issues; Most alliance emerges as kingmaker.
More...
Surprise announcement after meeting EU, U.S. diplomats follows PM’s earlier visit with Russian leader Putin.
More...
In Poland, after 27 years of democracy, a discussion about changes in political system have been started. The public opinion researches shows not only lack of trust to the political institutions but also negative feelings towards most of them. The goal of the article is to analyse the preferences of each electorate in presidential and parliament elections in 2015 about two ideas: extending Presidential power and decreasing the number of Parliaments Members. Supporting the idea of increasing President’s rights are Andrzej Duda and Paweł Kukiz voters in presidential election, Law and Justice, Kukiz’15 committee and also small electoral committees electorate, people who don’t participate in the elections and also people declaring right wing political views. In all researches supporters of the idea to decrease number of Parliament Members are prevailing. The biggest support for it can be found among Paweł Kukiz followers in the first term presidential election and also in electoral committee Kukiz’15 in parliament election. They can also be found in those political parties and committees followers, which received small number of votes in the election and in people who didn’t take part in presidential and parliament election.
More...
The paper identifies and analyses the acts of electoral violence that occurred during the 2011 parliamentary and 2012 presidential elections in the Russian Federation, and connects them with the practices of modern authoritarian regimes. The analytical tool employed is based on an electoral violence research framework, which provides insight into the negative dynamics of an electoral competition and its outcomes. The authors argue that electoral violence is used to advance the Russian authoritarian regime, which is a modern form of authoritarian rule. By analysing the post-electoral turmoil and the response of authorities to public demonstrations, we depict the regime's ability to adapt its position to maximise outcomes in the political conflict and opportunistically select the best tool to achieve its goals. We further argue that Russia, with its authoritarian tendencies, utilises confrontation dynamics during elections in order to allow the politicisation of various latent conflicts (interest- or value-oriented) that are impossible to solve in the everyday depoliticised routine of the undemocratic system.
More...
One of the basic principles of a democratic state that has been also expressed in art. 2 of the Polish Constitution is the principle of social justice which sets the standards of a democratic, legal and fair state. It should be noticed that social justice is closely linked to the issue of equality before the law and the problem of discrimination. The article is devoted to legal measures that are undertaken by states in order to secure the constitutional principle of equality by eliminating potential cases of discrimination. The Author has focused on the so-called “positive discrimination” (also referred to as affirmative or compensatory actions). Having recognized the importance of the problem of discrimination against certain groups in the society, EU Member States implement anti-discrimination policies through the adoption of appropriate regulations at the international, transnational and national levels. In addition to general declarations of equality in social, economic and political life, these provisions also introduce specific remedies in order to prevent discrimination against certain groups in the society which by definition are weaker and thus implement the principle of equal treatment. Such specify measures can be found in Poland f. ex. in the provisions of the Labor Code, the law on economic activities or the Electoral Code which proves that compensatory actions under the anti-discrimination policy are used in various fields of social and political life often being perceived as controversial.
More...
A political system cannot be understood if one does not know its electoral system and its connection with the actual constitution. By upholding the semipresidential system the 1990 constitution of the Republic of Croatia has formaly implemented the supremacy of the President of the Republic over the other part of the executive power as well as over other government bodies. The author discusses a model of possible effects of presidential elections in this country and concludes that the suggested electoral laws lead further towards the strengthening of the position of the head of state and of his functions.
More...
The parliamentary elections took place in Slovakia in March 2011 and in Poland in autumn 2011. The elections are connected with many propaganda materials, TV appearances, newspaper articles, billboards, etc. In the article, we discussed the language of political texts. We compared written texts in two close languages – Polish and Slovak. The issue of political communication was addressed by many Polish linguists, e.g. Bralczyk described the language of politicians of the previous regime. We were especially interested in the lexis: metaphors, neologisms, syntax, etc. Towards the end of the article, we briefly mention the use of these texts in the didactic process – in the course of translation.
More...
The anti-Ottoman war of reconquista conducted in Hungary (1683–1699) was also supported by the Protestant Principality of Brunswick-Lüneburg, several members of the princely family personally participating to the war. In return for the military support, Duke Ernst-August wanted to gain an electoral status, and his efforts were backed by the Prince-Elector of Brandenburg. Negotiations already started in 1689, when archduke Joseph, the son of emperor and Hungarian king Leopold I, was elected King of the Romans. The Catholic Electors followed the events with worry, especially from 1691, when the discussions between Ernst-August and the Viennese court started in earnest. The elector treaty (Kurtraktat), which was concluded on 22 March 1692, elicited more considerable resistance from the Catholic princes of the Holy Roman Empire, who feared both that the equilibrium between the confessions would be disrupted, and that the balance of power between the electoral and the princely colleges would be changed. The Catholic princes, and especially the bishoprics in the vicinity of Brunswick-Lüneburg, expected support from the Holy See. But the Holy See was unwilling to interfere with internal disputes within the Empire, especially with regard to the broader European situation, overshadowed by the Nine Years’ War. Yet it did maintain contacts with the Catholic imperial estates through the nuncios of Cologne and Vienna. It may have been from there that the idea of creating a new Catholic Electorate emerged. The idea, relating concretely to the Kingdom of Hungary, was first raised in the spring of 1692. A year later, in April 1693, Viennese nuncio Sebastiano Antonio Tanara came forward with this possibility once again. Parallelly, however, the restoration of rights carried by the Bohemian electoral vote was also proposed. One and a half decades later, during the War of the Spanish Succession, this latter solution was in fact adopted, although in a different political situation. But the very idea of a Hungarian Electorate shows that, after securing the hereditary succession of the Habsburg dynasty in Hungary (1687), the idea of connecting the Kingdom of Hungary to the Holy Roman Empire by elevating it to electoral status was also considered in Viennese court circles. The Hungarian estates were too powerful for such a plan to have real chances to succeed, however. Consequently, it remained no more than an interesting episode in the emergence of the Electorate of Hanover.
More...
Dragoš Ivanović, Pendrek parlamentarizam Zivorad Kovačević, Gašenje šumskih požara Mirko Tepavac, Sjaj i beda pobeda Vasilije Popović, Po pitanju... Tren-a Ivan Protić, Vidovdanski mejdan političkih rođaka Snežana Nikolić, Iz rata u — društvenu pravdu Jelica Minić, Srbija na (dalekom) Istoku? Dušan Mojsin, Doktori na brvnu Zoran Đorđević, Žurnalizam u devetom krugu Slobodan Inić, Zašto "Oslobođenje" "Biznis" voli nezavisne medije Za SRJ popuštanje, za RS pritezanje
More...
Political identity reflects one’s values. The overall rhetoric of a political actor aims at depicting a world view that resonates with her/his voters. This paper focuses on the campaign for the 2018 General Elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Given its political structure with two entities, 14 parliaments, and a three-member presidency to mention a few of the complexities, Bosnia and Herzegovina greatly struggles with functionality. In an environment with three ethnic groups and their respective representatives, communicating group-specific values is paramount objective for politicians. This paper analyses speeches delivered at pre-election gatherings of political parties on the level of the entity of Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The aim is to analyze direct addresses to voters and subsequently shed light onto political messaging. Lakoff’s concept of frames will be utilized to get in-depth insight into the values, messages, and ideas political leaders in Bosnia and Herzegovina share with the public.
More...
How and to what extent the American democracy solves problems in the context of creating a gender balance and opportunities for gender equality? What is the characteristic of the conditions that favors the functioning of real democracy and its further improvement in terms of a gender approach? The author believes that at present the American women have significant levers of power and influence on the formation of their own destiny, as well as on the priorities of the domestic and foreign policies of the state. The last presidential campaign (2016) clearly revealed the special significance of the gender factor, which forms new characteristics of political culture in the country. There are clearly pronounced tendencies in the development of women’s movement in the USA to involve women in the political process and lawmaking activities, to seek contacts and partnerships within the civil society itself. At the same time, the constitutional rights of women (weakening protection from gender-based violence, reproductive rights, reproductive autonomy, “assault” on reproductive rights, infringement on women’s legal rights) are at risk under the current Republican administration of D. Trump, which is said to pursue the policy undermining women’s leadership.
More...
On May 27, 1960, the national unity committee, which seized power under military intervention, invited universities to refer to constitutional lawyers for the preparation of a new constitution. In the prepared 1961 constitution, it was desired to find solutions to political problems and uneasiness, economic troubles and social problems in the period when the DP was in power. The adoption of the new constitution, which was presented to the public with the referendum, was deemed necessary to return civilian life. Although the referendum activities, which started in an environment where the DP’s political life was terminated, seemed to be the scene of the propaganda of supporters of the constitution, the AP was set up to appeal to the DP voters, especially in the Western Anatolia region. The National Unity Committee has also sent its members to visit the country to discuss with the people and asked the public to accept the new constitution for the new period’s needs and the political controversies of the old era. The fact that the Constitutional Court had a numerical superiority in the founding parliament, which prepared the constitution, and the speeches of the CHP’s spokespersons who had adopted the constitution, caused the DP base to vote in a bad way. The result of the referendum was unexpectedly different because of the negative propaganda and the election of the DP, which were undergoing the secretly, and the participation was high, but not even 70 percent of the vote. The majority of negative votes were the military coup of the DP base and a reaction to the living process. While the result was welcomed in AP, which regarded the future as a hope for power, the National Unity Committee considered that the constitution was acceptable. The outcome of the referendum campaign with the support of the state and the support of the three parties is similar to that of the vote in the elections of 1957, and it is understood that the provinces that supported the DP voted no to the constitution.
More...
The administration of the Ottoman Empire in 1876 Kânûn-ı Esâsî (Law Constitution) together with the first general elections was secured by this constitution and the right to be elected and elected to the Ottoman nation. In 1819, general elections were held in 1919 on the basis of the law Constitution, 1908 electoral law, 1919 election decree and election rules. In this context, the elections in 1919 were the subject of agenda in Alemdâr newspaper.
More...
Last November's reelection of Klaus Iohannis offers substance to claims that the country is on a path to rejecting corruption, political circuses, and nationalist proclivities. First in a two-part series
More...