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Electoral manipulations are a mechanism of exerting permanent influence on the election result. The subjects of electoral competition want to influence their electoral opportunities. Possible dimensions of manipulations are related to the potential subjects that carry them out. The ruling ones have a higher manipulation potential than the political opposition. Electoral manipulations modify the level of political uncertainty. Its dimension is shaped in the institutional and communication spheres. The effects of electoral manipulations are more often aimed at the nearest future only, but those in the institutional sphere may shape the long-term level of political uncertainty.
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This article analyses the causes of Ryszard Grobelny’s loss in the elections for the office of the president of the city of Poznan. It addresses, and attempts to answer, following questions: how did Jacek Jaskowiak manage to create such a successful voter base in such a short time, what mistakes did Grobelny make that after being in office for 16 years the citizens said a firm NO to his rule, and were there any moments that could be found as crucial for the final outcome, what were Grobelny’s mistakes in the campaign itself. The analysis of the exit poll results for Greater Poland Cable Television (WTK) was an important part of this work.
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The goal of the article was to show how the authorized election committees which registered their tickets in the Lublin region before the elections for the European Parliament in 2014 used their allotted broadcast time on the Polish Radio Lublin station and what was the criterion for division of the broadcast time among individual candidates. The study sought to find whether the committees preferred party elites by allotting most of broadcast time to them, or whether the allotted time was proportionally divided among all candidates. The research results did not conclusively show that the party elites were favored at the expense of the rest of the candidates. This is clearly seen only in the case of Coalition Election Committee Europe Plus Your Movement [Europa Plus Twój Ruch]. In the case of two election committees: Election Committee [EC] Law and Justice [Prawo i Sprawiedliwość] and EC Polish People’s Party [Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe] the leaders appeared in each broadcast twice as often as compared with the other candidates, beginning and ending the broadcast; nevertheless the rest of the time was proportionately distributed between the other candidates. Four election committees: EC Janusz Korwin-Mikke’s New Right [Nowa Prawica Janusza Korwin-Mikke], EC Zbigniew Ziobro’s Solidary Poland [Solidarna Polska], EC of Voters National Movement [Ruch Narodowy] and EC Direct Democracy [Demokracja Bezpośrednia] decided to use the allotted broadcast time for statements of the party leader or a representative speaking on behalf of all candidates or for a narrator; however, in each case the speaker did not introduce himself and did not promote his own candidacy, which should be treated as the promotion of the entire ticket rather than its leader only. In the other cases, the materials of those who provided their own materials on time were broadcast.
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Ex-premier Kaczynski stages a comeback as conservatives trounce Civic Platform.
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This paper analyses the causes of Ryszard Grobelny’s defeat in the elections for the office of President of Poznań. It attempts to answer several questions: 1. how did Jacek Jaśkowiak manage to generate such an enormous support over such a short time? 2. what errors did Ryszard Grobelny commit that, after sixteen years, Poznanians largely rejected their longstanding president?, and 3. can some moments of the campaign be considered decisive for its final outcome, and what were the main errors Ryszard Grobelny committed in this campaign? A significant part of the study is devoted to an analysis of the results of the exit poll conducted for WTK (Wielkopolska Cable TV).
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The goal of this article is to evaluate the relationship between the profiles of main polish cities, established on the basis of nationwide presidential and parliamentary elections, and the political affiliations of City Presidents (Mayors). Based on data from six elections: three presidential ones (1995, 2005, 2015) and three parliamentary ones (1991, 2001, 2011), cities were divided into groups characterized by similar voter preferences. Then, the relationship between the permanent characteristics of behaviour in national elections and the results of City President elections was examined. The survey was concluded with an attempt to explain the regularities and the deviations observed in the behavior of voters in 107 surveyed centers.
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Urban movements are a new phenomenon observed in Poland. A manifestation of civic democracy, a counterweight to the lack of involvement of people in politics and the separation of citizens from public affairs. The article describes the phenomenon of urban movements in the world: the origins, development and significance. They characterized the beginnings of urban movements in Poland and describes the participation in elections of candidates deriving from this trend. In addition, an attempt to assess whether representatives of urban movements have succeeded or failed in the local government electionsin 2014.
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Two-Tailed Dog Party is among the few willing to challenge the status quo ahead of the referendum.
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Ten ex-cons are among the candidates running in the 2 October local elections.
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The first edition of the Democratic Audit of Poland is a pilot test aimed at understanding the dynamics of particular aspects of Polish democracy and shows that while Poland is in good standing compared to the rest of the region, it is still far from the ideal.
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Voters approve constitutional changes that rights groups warn would mainly consolidate the Aliyev family’s rule.
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Researchers have always found young people interesting as an indicator of the state of a society. Attitudes, values, competences and behavior of young people are considered a sort of litmus paper that can adequately explained wider social tendencies of a given society. This paper analyzes political competencies and political participation of Zagreb youth. Political competencies and political participation are two characteristics of quality of functioning of consolidated democracies. It is therefore important to monitor and develop them in order to achieve a more effective political system. With a combination of qualitative and quantitative research techniques, the authors contextualize those two structural dimensions of the political life of young people. Hence, this paper explains political competences and political participation in reference to contemporary literature in this field. The results of a survey conducted on a sample of 411 young people in Zagreb, together with the results of &ve group interviews with high school and university students, demonstrate low level of understanding of roles and factors of youth policy. The authors argue that young people are discouraged to participate in community and political life because of such low understanding of politics.
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Voters hand victory to a party that previously held just one seat in parliament.
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Consulting firm run by Donald Trump's former campaign chairman, Paul Manafort, reportedly tried to undercut support for the imprisoned Ukrainian politician.
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Results in the first round of voting give pro-Russian candidate Igor Dodon the upper hand, and 10 percent more votes than pro-West Maia Sandu.
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Although the Conservatives won the most seats, the lack of a majority requires either the formation of a coalition, or a new round of voting.
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Wins for United Russia and three other loyal parties ensure no opposition will trouble President Vladimir Putin for the next five years.
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What are the main dimensions of competition between political parties in Romania? Is there a match of the electorate policy preferences with those of political parties? This paper analyzes what are the main dimensions of competition between parties in Romania by looking at the issue preferences of the party in the electorate. We use data obtained from the voting advice application (VAA) applied in 2012 (votulmeu.com) in Romania. Finally we compare our results with Chapel Hill expert party mappings and claim that VAA data are a reliable source for finding out the programmatic peferences of party supporters.
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The purpose of this paper is to study the electoral behaviour of the Romanian voters under different voting rules, looking to answer the question regarding the extent to which voting rules matter in the local context. In order to achieve this purpose, I use the results of a pilot field experiment conducted in Bucharest during the local elections, which took place on the 10th of June 2012. Using the experimental results, I aim to answer two types of research questions. The first concerns the extent to which results obtained through different voting rules really differ in a real life setting, and if so, whether it is due only to the aggregation rule or also to a change in electoral behaviour caused by changing the rule. The second one concerns strategic behaviour in particular and aims to see to what extent strategic voting existed in these elections and whether some rules actually encourage strategic voting more than others, as theory predicts.
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