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The paper presents a comparative analysis of several monitoring reports on the reporting of public media and commercial televisions with a national frequency during the campaign for the presidential elections in Serbia in 2017, with the aim of determining the extent and manner in which the Serbian Code of Journalists was violated. The monitorings, which, rather than being done by the competent state institutions such as the Regulatory Authority for Electronic Media (REM), were largely carried out by civil society organizations, unequivocally demonstrated that, in most cases, reporting was extremely biased in favor of the ruling coalition candidate Aleksandar Vučić. In addition to the fact that they violated the provisions of key media laws and reporting rules during the pre-election campaign, the editors and journalists of televisions also violated the Code of Journalists in various ways. The monitorings, on the one hand, have shown the inadmissible bias of the majority of public and commercial televisions, but, on the other hand, have also shown that there were commercial cable televisions that largely took account of a uniform reporting on presidential candidates. Most of the analyzed televisions did not, however, abide by the preamble of the Code of Journalism, which states that the reason for the existence of media is public interest, and the business, political and private interests of the publisher/media owner should not be an excuse or justification for violating the Code. Most of the monitoring has also shown that the provisions of the Code of Journalism have been violated regarding the truthfulness of reporting, independence from pressures, journalists’ accountability, and journalistic attention.
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Presented article describes the political scene of Silesian autonomy (1922-1939) in context of political science approaches concerning the possibility to form the regional party system. The analysis includes the specificity of sub-national elections, profiles of parties and their strategies in regional elections. The research indicates that in interwar Silesian Voivodeship there have been developed different set of parties than at nationwide level (with strong Christian Democratic Party and German parties). Nevertheless, the regional party system was not created due to dominant position of regional branches of nationwide parties in Silesian politics.
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The 10th Majlis election was held in the Islamic Republic of Iran on 26 February 2016. The election witnessed a record number of disqualified candidates by the Guardian Council. Notwithstanding this, the pro-government candidates were well-received by the voters. President Hassan Rouhani’s foreign policy and the nuclear deal that had concluded with the international community, held a special place in the political debates during the election. This paper first analyses the importance of the 10th Majlis election in Iran in the light of President Rouhani’s foreign policy. Secondly, it explores the election process. This paper argues that elections in Iran suffer from four types of issues. First characteristic is closely linked with the theocratic nature of the Iranian political system. Second one is connected with the Iranian electoral system. Third one arises from the inefficiency of electoral institutions. Finally, those issues caused by the discriminative approach of the Iranian ruling elites towards certain political parties and ethno religious groups.
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This study aims to analyses socio-political structure of Samsun at the basis of the results of Turkish Local elections since 1973 up to date. Documentary and historical research techniques will be used during the study.
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Gradeći i razvijajući program i organizacijski portfelj za ženska ljudska prava, brzo smo uvidjeli_e nedostatak intenzivnijeg i vidljivog tematizovanja ”ženske” istorije u Bosni i Hercegovini. Iako postoji veliki broj publikacija i nekoliko aktivističkih inicijativa koje obrađuju određene fragmente, pojave, periode ili regije, ne postoji institucionalizirano pamćenje niti se ono podstiče. Akademska zajednica je, nažalost, zakazala kada govorimo o ovoj temi. Istorija žena i njihov doprinos i dalje ostaju na marginama akademskog života.
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The 2007 local elections in Bulgaria, which went to gallop box six times since the regime change in 1989, was herald of the upcoming changes and new formations to ocur in the next years in this country. In these local elections, which were held after the country's EU membership, and under the targeted European conditions of transparency and justice, brought the DPS, political party of the Turkish minority in Bulgaria, the third rank. This and other developments give clues of expectable results of the general elections to be held in 2009.
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Our study is directed toward the examination of attitudinal grounds of political decision-making among young (≤ 24 years old) Lithuanian voters in the national parliamentary elections. The focus is on their attitudes regarding politically specific evaluative dimensions (competence, honesty and leadership). To estimate the prognostic values of explicit/implicit attitudes toward different Lithuanian political parties, we asked participants to fill out a questionnaire and to perform three sets of ST-IATs respectively. Due to the low voting diversity among participants, an elaborate data analysis could only be conducted regarding two Lithuanian parties: the Liberal Movement (LRLS) and Homeland Union – Lithuanian Christian Democrats (TS-LKD). The results of our study suggest that explicit attitudes are more important than implicit attitudes in predicting voting behavior. We found that positive explicit and positive implicit attitudes toward the LRLS competence and leadership, respectively, predicted the decision to vote for this party (reference group: non-voters). On the same note, our findings suggest that positive explicit and implicit attitudes toward the TS-LKD honesty predicted the decision to vote for this party (reference group: non-voters). Positive implicit attitudes toward the party’s competence also predicted this decision. Finally, we found that political sophistication was an important factor by only considering explicit attitudes toward TS-LKD. Namely, the increase of explicit attitudes’ prognostic power on the decision to vote for TS-LKD was associated with the decrease of voters’ political sophistication (reference group: non-voters).
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This article strives to begin an academic discussion about the impact of the 2016 parliamentary elections on the Lithuanian party system. It was previously argued by political scientists that stabilization could be observed around the 2012 parliamentary elections. On the basis of renewed measures of electoral volatility (total volatility, party replacement and external volatility), the following is argued: the observed party system stabilization was more an exception than a trend. In 2016, the party system returned to the usual track: despite the deceptively small success of new parties, an increase in total and especially external volatility (signifying a weak institutionalization of the party system) was observed. If compared to the Western countries, such levels of electoral volatility point to an inchoate party system at best: 2016 was not that special, since earthquakes in Lithuanian elections are very common. Moreover, an updated map of party competition (based on the voters’ evaluations of the parties) space raises another challenge for previous research. It was previously accepted that traditional parties in Lithuania are quite successful in the integration of newcomers: hence, the party system sustains its patterns of competition from election to election, despite the high levels of volatility. However, the 2016 elections bring back the second dimension of competition, which now divides not only the newcomers and the surviving parties, but also the older populist parties vs. the election winner, the Lithuanian Farmers and Greens Union. Resting on these preliminary findings, the need to further investigate electoral behavior in Lithuania is obvious. The second part of the article discusses what questions are (again) raised for the electoral research after the 2016 elections. It is not an exhaustive list, but there is a clear need to advance knowledge in these aspects: the logic of electoral volatility at the voter’s level, the (changing?) role of the electoral system, the impact of the electoral campaign, the divide between voters and politicians. In the context of these unknowns, the current possibilities of both the party system stabilization and electoral forecasting (political scientists in Lithuania are sometimes criticized for their inability to do this successfully) are viewed critically. There is a parallel between seismologists and Lithuanian political scientists, as both an earthquake and earthquake elections are hard to predict. There is a three-body problem in Lithuanian elections: unstable interactions between the supply, demand and the electoral system lead to unpredictable election results. But precisely because of this there is a need for continuing research.
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On Saturday 5 March 2016, Slovakian voters went to the polls again. Since the first free elections after the political changeover, this was the ninth occasion that citizens could express their will in this way. In Slovakia, formed on 1 January 1993, this was the seventh election for the 150-member unicameral Parliament (i.e. the National Council) in Slovakia. On the other hand, this was the third occasion since the 2009 schism of the political parties representing the Hungarian minority in Slovakia that each of them competed on its own (2010, 2012, 2016). Although there have been some minor amendments and corrections during the past quarter of a century, the election system of Slovakia has shown a remarkable stability since 1992. In other words, its fundamental rules have not undergone any significant modifications. It is still a proportionate election system in which voters can cast their votes for party lists nominated by the individual political parties and movements. The threshold of entrance is 5%, but it shows a growing trend in the case of electoral coalitions. Currently, the whole country is a single constituency, so each party drafts a national list.
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Many people in our country reside in their own property but also many other live by paying “rent” which means handing over a residence, property or vehicle by its owner to another person for a period of time in return for a certain price. There are articles on rental contracts both in the Turkish Law of Obligations (no. 6098) and in the Repealed Law on Real Estate Rentals (no. 6570). In Law No. 6570, specific articles are present for the regulation of both the leasing of real estates with roofs within the boundaries of municipalities and the leasing of existing real estates with roofs on piers, seaports and stations outside the boundaries of municipalities. In this paper, the subject of "evacuation due to need of residence" in Turkish Law on Obligations no 6098 will be examined by taking into account the subject of "evacuation due to need of residence" regulated in the article 7 of abolished law no 6570 as well.
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The aim of this study is to analyze the exit polls of the parliamentary elections in Slovakia held in 2016 with regard to the ethnic Hungarian data. Around 83% of the ethnic Hungarian electorate voted for either the Party of the Hungarian Community (MKP - SMK), or the Most-Híd party, however, almost every sixth Hungarian voter supported one of the non-minority Slovak parties. Exit poll data showed that a relative majority of Hungarian votes was received by the MKP and a slight majority of Most-Híd voters were in fact ethnic Slovaks. The paper argues that in contrast with the estimations made by various analysts, in this election the MKP became the most popular choice among the younger and highly-educated ethnic Hungarian voters.
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The object analysis of this paper is comparison of democratisation process that occurred in two countries- Mexico and Poland. Beside common political past and authoritarian nature- character of previous regime, those countries are different in almost every aspect: geographical position, history, culture and politics. The aim of this paper it to discover the similarities and differences of democratisation process as well as to find to which degree democratisation is a universal process. During the twenty century many countries with previously nondemocratic regimes transformed itself into democracies. That process simultaneously occurred on distant continents and concerned countries with totally different political and economical regimes. The main reason of studying transition is to uncover the conditions and paths that had led to political democracy. The main purpose of the paper it to analyse and compare democratisation process in Mexico and Poland in the context of wider democratisation theories. The period of reforms between the authoritarian regime and fully democratic state is called in literature democratisation or transformation and should be analysed on two levels. The first one, the institutional, concerns changes in political and economical system. The second one, the societal, relates to modifications inside society, the impact of institutional changes on political culture of both, ruling elite and opposition.
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While democracy in Europe took a very long time to emerge and consolidate itself, the democratization of Europe has only just begun and remains a rather remote prospect. The competing national states that composed this part of the world were originally autocratic – with the historical exception of Switzerland, which somehow continuously managed to practice its peculiar form of democracy. Indeed, Western Europe became uniformly democratic only in the mid-1970s with the regime changes in Portugal, Spain, and Greece. And parts of the former Soviet Union have still to institutionalize the accountability of its rulers by way of competitive processes of representation.
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Around the world we can face with a big diversity in the voting systems. Within certain limits governments have the right to determine how many votes a single citizen is allowed to cast, and how. Therefore we can also find majority-, proportional- and preferenital electoral systems even only in Europe. Single- and multiple-vote systems are neither unfamiliar. While the vote-transfer system is currently employed in Malata and Ireland, until then Germany applies the personalised PR-system. Electoral system in Hungary have changed over time. According to Act XXXIV of 1989, until 2010, the electoral system was an archetype of mixed voting systems: in it, it is possible to gain a mandate both in a single district and through party lists. The Parliament operates with 386 representatives. In 2010 the system was changed under the Act CCIII of 2011. It is still a mixed system, but there are only 199 mandates can be won: 106 in relative majority single constituencies and 93 on a national list. Since it provides compensation after the votes cast in single districts, it is also, essentially, a compensational system.
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In this paper we wish to offer an image of the operation of the integrative mechanisms of the Hungarian society. Specifically we concentrate on systems integration, in other words to those political processes and interactions that reproduce the mechanisms of coexistence within the society. Systems integration is approached from the dimension of action (Kiss 2015a). Testing three hypotheses on the data base of the OTKA-research entitled ’Processes of Integration and Disintegration in the Hungarian Society’ we present which explanatory factors influence intentions of choice and the traditional or direct democratic forms of political activity. We separately dwell upon relations between cohort generations and participation, life events and participation as well as clients and participation.
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This article develops an analysis of the internal functioning of the Spanish party Podemos and its structural make-up. The used methodology consists of: 1) a descriptive analysis of the development of Podemos, based on the available information in the media; 2) an analysis centered on the presence of Podemos in social networks and the mainstream media, in addition to electoral results and polls. The analysis attempts to determine the following: the party’s decision- making process, along with the type of relationships established between leaders and supporters; to what extent the Internet is used as a primary tool for organization, mobilization and political propaganda; and the extent of the clash or harmony within the interparty’s dynamics: on one hand, the bottom-up structure of the citizen assemblies and, on the other, the top-down structure inferred from Pablo Iglesias’s hyper-leadership and the media presence of the party’s principal leaders.
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The five years preceding the 1978 founding congress of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (Partîya Karkêren Kurdistan, PKK) are referred to by its members as the party’s “existential period”. In the PKK’s “existential period” public spaces, such as university dormitories and canteens and student associations played an important role as meeting places, yet political formation occurred mainly in private spaces, especially private apartments and houses. This article considers this early history of the PKK from a spatial perspective. The main question addressed is how the Kurdistan Revolutionaries, as the group was known before its formal establishment, sustained itself spatially at a time when political life had been paralysed as a result of martial law and became subject to securitisation politics. Data for this article has been collected by means of interviews and the study of (auto)biographical texts.
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