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Konteksti i (jo)sukseseve konstitucionale, mësimet e nxjerra dhe idetë për sfidat e ardhshme
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The work analyzes the French approach to the concept of "network-centric warfare". The concept comes from the United States and quickly spreads to the defense departments not only in the US but also in Europe. The analysis of the French approach to the concept allows predicting the future of network-centric structures and their impact on the developed world.
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The report examines security through the prism of today's reality in which security policy should take into account both civilian and military aspects of dangers and threats. The author recommends the EU to decide on its role in security and defense, as well as to whether or not it is more effective these issues to remain within the competence of NATO, given the established and worked in this organization norms, rules and procedures. Union could be much more effective in the field of diplomacy. The question is about objectively possible, not desired field of activity and intensity to overcome the critical matching internal difficulties in EU to external dangers posed by the crisis in the former Soviet Union, Africa, and Middle East.
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Europe must have the military power to defend and impose its interests and protect its values. Military force with built structure capable of functioning in a multilateral security organization with common operational procedures and an effective command and control, efficient logistic support, major transport facilities and well trained and capable of interchanging armed forces.The main problems related to the establishment of joint armed forces are: lack of a unified vision of the member states about such a need; complexity of the relationship "NATO and the European Union"; difficulty agreeing on geographical areas of operation; US policy; costs and others.
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The report discusses issues concerning the development of a common European approach to the collection and processing of PNR data at external EU flights for law enforcement purposes in serious crimes, terrorist crimes in the context of countering foreign terrorist fighters. The process of elaboration and the nature of the unified European legal framework as well as bilateral agreements with the US, Australia and Canada in the field are analyzed. This paper examines the correlation between the provision of reservation data to the founding principles of necessity and proportionality.
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Defense system in Serbia has developed significantly over the last decade. Transition and democratic change affected its very foundations, and it is reshaping into efficient and modern defense structure. Legislative changes are very important in this area – closer look at laws and proposed but never adopted acts during this process will show how hard is “to teach a bear to dance”.1 New legislative framework over last three years made a qualitative difference between the old army system and emerging shapes of the new one. Hence, the analyzed normative solutions will give a clear look at the modern military law concept in Serbia, and answer the question: how far did Serbia get on Euro-Atlantic path?
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Military members are no different than civilians in terms of the desires to have a life partner and have a satisfied marital life after marriage. However, the challenges faced by many military members and their families are different than those facing the civilian families by the sheer nature of their service. This study conducts an in-depth academic literature analysis regarding the impacts of the unique trials and tribulations that face military personnel on their marital dissatisfaction or dissolution. While an empirical hypothetical model to test whether factors such as length of deployment, number of deployments, post-traumatic stress disorder impact the military marital dissatisfaction is provided in this paper, there is no quantitative analysis conducted due to lack of access to relevant data.
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The complex nature of peacebuilding as an instrument of conflict resolution has increasingly collided the military and the civilian actors to share the same field of operation, thereby undermining the independence, impartiality and neutrality of either the military or the civilian actors. Despite the fact the military has often accentuated the need for “correspondence”, the civilian actors have conveyed concern regarding the effect of civil-military coordination on the capacity to remain independent, neutral and impartial in undertaking their main functions. This paper examines the cultural, organizational, operational and normative factors that condition the approaches of the civilian actors such as nongovernmental organizations and the military actors toward the civil-military coordination. This paper also discusses the obstacles to the (CIMIC) and offers more effective recommendations for enhancing the civil-military coordination (CIMIC) in order to achieve the economic, political and security order sought in the Somalia peacebuilding process.
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After the end of the Cold War, it was attempted to create the appropriate framework for progress in armaments control and disarmament. Although there have been fundamental changes in international relations and the security environment, efforts and initiatives in the field have proved to be often free from obstacles and disagreements. One reason for this is due to the increase in the number of states involved in the negotiations and, implicitly, the multiplication of political, economic and security interests. The logic of the bipolar world and nuclear deterrence, characteristic of the Cold War, did not take into account the security aspirations of other state actors. Currently, nuclear weapons, although necessitating an internationally sustained dialogue, raise issues that make it difficult to cooperate in this area. Owners cannot be subjected to collective sanction. Theoretically, they have great freedom of action, which can ultimately be restrained only by other nuclear powers. In addition, the idea of an anti-missile shield is increasingly being discussed, but in the absence of bilateral or multilateral agreements limiting the number and location of ballistic interceptors that can be placed by different states.
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It’s been almost a year since I have been preoccupied with the matters of civic service, that is to say the conscientious objection, in Serbia. One of the activities we had undertaken at the very beginning has been to conduct a poll of citizens on the subject. The commentary which was often expressed by all those polled who disagreed with an alternative to the compulsory military service was: “My grandfather has served, my father too, and so will I. It’s a family tradition.” The word which attracted my attention in the argument against civic service was tradition. It made me think how tradition as an argument was sufficient all by itself. Approaching the subject, I have diligently looked up the meaning of the word traditional in Vujaklija’s “Lexicon”. Apart from a number of synonyms which explain the term, there was a word usual. A send-off of recruits to the army looks approximately as follows.
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Internally, immediately after the end of the Cold War, the Black Sea region appears configuredas an unstable region, on whose territory economically weakened states were in competition,affected by a pandemic corruption that was eroding the basis of newly established democraticpolitical regimes, descendants of totalitarian regimes that had recently succumbed. Most ofthe vigour of these states was consumed in a series of sterile political controversies, in a fragilelegislative framework, which had replaced the ossified structures of the former so-calledpopular democracies. The parliaments of these states were also, in turn, wired by corruptionand characterised by a lack of interest in the real and, especially, the serious problems of thepopulation. Despite these realities, the population was overwhelmingly in favour of integratingthose states into NATO and the European Union.The former Soviet republics, Georgia, Ukraine and Armenia, also began to show, in turn,the germs of a European orientation, timid, indeed, but remaining dependent upon residualcommunist reminiscences specific to the mentality perverted by the totalitarian regime. Inthese circumstances, it seemed certain that at least another generation would have to pass forthese states to change their mindsets deeply rooted in communist reality.
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Traditionally, security has been associated with the military field, and setting nationalinterests, triggering war and settling for peace have been the responsibility of the state, anexclusive actor in international relations. Starting in the mid-20th century, security studieshave extended the dimension of security to its objective side, mainly military, related to theexistence of a threat, and its subjective, societal side, related to the perceptions of society.The modern vision of security has enhanced these two sides, and the European Security Schoolin Copenhagen has conceptualised the societal society, debating on the reduced role of thestate and increased role of society in security, manifested in five key areas – military, political,economic, societal and environmental, security being assimilated with the social mechanism. Inthis contemporary context, the explosive digitization of information and its effects on securityand society – globalisation, artificial intelligence, internet, automation, social networks,social engineering, data mining, fake news, cyberwar, cyber psychology – make militarysuperiority inadequate for ensuring peace and security in the 21st century. Therefore, may weassess information technology as the new “nuclear bomb” of the 21st century? Is informationtechnology a new field or a feature of societal security?
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In research, discussions from public space and materials designed and disseminated by media trusts, the issue of hybrid warfare/hybrid threats is often analysed either as a phenomenon or as a specific factor of an event. However, due to the complexity of the subject, confusion is often made or the concepts are mixed as the subject becomes even more ambiguous. In addition, the excessive use of simple terms such as “information manipulation”, “propaganda”, “misinformation”, “influence”, in the public space, has led to an alteration of their meaning and an ambiguity of the effects that these terms have on the perception of threat. On the other hand, in this context, the role and relevance of security and military intelligence in the management and limitation of hybrid warfare/hybrid threats has been little discussed. Thus, this paper tries to detail in a succinct manner (due to the complexity of the topics), at a theoretical level, the concepts of security intelligence, military intelligence and information warfare.
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