We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
The modern Turkish state is a typical nation-state, as it is originally defined by the Westphalian international political and legal order. This essential feature of the modern Turkish nation-state is the product of the theoretical concept and the fundamental political and ideological principles and postulates of Kemalism (Kemal Ataturk), that is, the paradigm of the modern Turkish constitutionality and the modern Turkish determination of its national identity. This national identity is the identity of a nation-state, that is, the identity of a nation as a political nation, as a citizens of the modern Turkish state (nation-state). The modern Turkish national identity in this sense does not have its own classical ethnogenesis, that identity is not an ethno-national identity, but it is identity of a true nation-state that includes in itself all the special ethno-national identities, united as a Turkish national identity of a nation-state. The ethno-national identity for the paradigm of the modern Turkish national identity is exclusively only private and personal determination of individuals citizens of the modern Turkish nation-state, which does not recognize, accept or admits the constitutional-legal order of the modern Turkish state. More over, these ethno-national identities have treatment of a factor of essentially jeopardizing the integrity and cohesion of the modern Turkish nation-state.
More...
The gender-based violence in recent times has become an integral part of the on-going Boko Haram Insurgency in North-East Nigeria. Since the full-scale declaration of combat between the Nigerian state and the insurgent group, the asymmetrical tactics of the group have been evolving, based on its capabilities. The recent spike in the targeted raid and attack on female schools, markets, and female institutions purposely for abduction and kidnapping of women and girls indicated this assertion. Due to the depletion of its fighters and loss of territories, there is a surge in mass deployment of ‘women and young girls’ as material instruments of warfare: fighters, suicide bombers, human shields, bargaining tools, sex slaves, informants, and so on. This article appraises the gender push-pull factors responsible, motivation behind the current behavior, and proffers some policy guidance.
More...
Since 2009 Russia has increased its military forces in Abkhazia and South Ossetia and pursued the policy of ‘creeping annexation in the occupied territories of Georgia. Today, 20% of Georgian territories are occupied by the Russian Federation. The Russian-baked separatists continuously erect barbed-wire border posts in one of the occupied regions of Georgia-South Ossetia and detain Georgian people, under the pretext of ‘illegally crossing the border’. Fundamental rights of the local population are violated daily since the occupants install barbers through people’s houses, gardens, and cultivated lands. Innocent citizens are forced to leave their homes, belongings, and cultivated lands that are left beyond the occupants’ demarcation line. The paper argues that along with other global challenges of the world, the USA-Russia clashes of interests are also found with the Georgian conflicts. While Washington hugely supports Georgia’s territorial integrity and welcomes its Euro-Atlantic aspirations, the Russian Federation, on the contrary, prevents the aforementioned process and directly opposes Georgia’s integration into NATO. The USA condemns Russia’s creeping annexation of Georgian territories and continuously calls on Russia to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of an independent country. Furthermore, the USA-Russia relations have considerably deteriorated following Russia’s military intervention in Georgia and the recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia as independent states.
More...
This paper explores the state of minority rights in the three Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan. These countries share a lot of similarities in terms of their post-Soviet authoritarian legacy and weakness of democratic institutions. The repressive political landscapes of the Central Asian states have taken their tolls on minority groups, leaving them discriminated against, mistreated, and severely disadvantaged. Minority rights violations range from ethnic and religious discrimination to state-sponsored homophobia. Even though the leadership changes have positively affected the state of human rights in the three countries, there is still a slow pace of reforms. Overall, domestic changes in Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan have not yielded considerable results so far in terms of alleviating the plight of minority groups across these countries.
More...
Power is a critical factor in several types of diplomacy. India-EU relations are a classic case of how changing geopolitics prompted diplomatic acumen. This scoping review assesses the changing relations of both partners as a manifestation of Smart Power. The dynamic relations from normative-based to pragmatic and inclusive interests based are evaluated. Their value-based relations are put under international relations theories. Their changing factors of cooperation are used to justify their smart diplomacy, where contemporary relations are less likely to be affected by multilateral interests. To solidify claims of smart power in their relations, the recent TRIPS waiver schism illuminated health diplomacy between the two regions. This health diplomacy discourse promotes smart power diplomacy between India and the EU, where new avenues of cooperation emerge despite pandemic disagreements. The article explores how hybrid power is better than soft and hard power in silos by systematically searching and selecting the existing knowledge in the contemporary context.
More...
The term soft power has become a catch-all-phrase for public and cultural diplomacy since Joseph Nye introduced it in 1990. India has had several historical and cultural advantages regarding its influence in foreign countries. While India and Indians enjoyed goodwill in most countries, the sudden interests in India among the policymakers, businesses, and politicians were mainly after the 1992 economic liberalization that had opened the Indian markets to foreign investments. Besides the nation-branding exercises globally, New Delhi employed soft power instruments in countries it deemed to have more significant interests, from traditional allies like Bhutan and Afghanistan to the countries in the West in the last three decades. Nevertheless, how successful has India been in exploiting its cultural linkages and using its soft power in its branding? This question becomes pertinent as, in recent years, India has often received negative press coverage in international media, and on several freedom/democratic indices, its rankings have gone down. As India celebrates 75 years of independence as Azadi ka Mahotsav (a grand celebration of independence), this paper assesses the scope of its soft power as a foreign policy instrument, points out its shortcomings, and recommends the possibilities.
More...
In this work, we have studied the evolution of the Ukrainian refugee crisis in Europe during the first several months after the beginning of the armed conflict on 24 February 2022. We have also talked about the influx of Ukrainians into Bulgaria, where there has reportedly been the biggest wave of refugees in recorded history. By using official statistics and structured interviews with Ukrainian refugees in Bulgaria, we have analyzed the specific evolution of the immigrants, their profile, and the governmental policies for better integration of them into the labor market and within the society. Our key arguments are mainly related to the fact that such policies must be successful for most Ukrainian immigrants and refugees due to the similarities between Ukraine and Bulgaria regarding traditions, education, and historical ties. Our conclusion confirms these arguments but also mentions several problems related to the low wages, the limited childcare, and the heavy bureaucracy.
More...
Southeast Asia is one of the places where fierce rivalry is taking place between the two leading powers in the world today - the US and China. The US-China rivalry in this region takes place in key fields, from politics - diplomacy, economy, security - defense to “soft power”, the most prominent of which is the South China Sea issue. This article analyzes the strategic importance of the South China Sea in the policy of the US and China, the competition between the US and China in Southeast Asia in general, and the South China Sea in particular. To achieve this goal, the authors use research methods in international relations to analyze the main issues of the study. In addition to reviewing previous scholarly research and reviews, the authors use a comparative approach to assess the interactions between theory and data. The authors believe the data is important for accurately assessing the strategic competition between the US and China in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea. The rise of China in the early years of the XXI century strongly influenced the adjustment of the US policy in Southeast Asia and the powerful US-China rivalry in this region and the South China Sea. This rivalry is becoming increasingly complicated, and geopolitical conflicts between major powers are possible in the following years.
More...
The process of recognition of Kosovo has continuously declined since the Declaration of Independence until 2021, the period covered in this paper. This process is characterized by external structural obstacles, as well as internal non-structural ones. Applying the content analysis method and semi-structured interviews, the paper emphasized that the main structural obstacle was the inability to accept the Ahtisaari Plan from the UN as a compromise choice. On the other hand, the non-recognition of the state of Kosovo by Serbia (supported by Russia) resulted in the division of the states into two large groups: “pro” and “contra” recognition. Meanwhile, due to these extreme divisions, a third group of states sees the recognition of Kosovo as an opportunity to solve the previous obstacles. Thus, Serbia has established clear schemes to hinder the development of the process, first by sending the case of Kosovo to the ICJ and later by presenting the Kosovo-Serbia negotiation as status negotiations. Meanwhile, the internal political instability in Kosovo and the wrong political approach towards potentially recognizing states are evident as non-structural obstacles in achieving new recognition.
More...
The study revealed mutual influences within the conditional triangle “Japan-Russia-Ukraine” that have consequences for the security situation on a global scale. It clarifies how security and territorial integrity (of Ukraine and Japan) affected the content and nature of Japanese-Ukrainian, Japanese-Russian, and Ukrainian-Russian relations. The study aimed to determine how the positions of any two states from the modeled conditional triangle concerning a third state influence the content and nature of their relations. The research methodology is based on institutional analysis, with the help of which the decisions and positions of the state institutions of Japan, Russia, and Ukraine, as well as their consequences for security at the regional and global levels, are studied. It is proved that the Ukrainian issue affects the content and nature of Japanese-Russian relations with upward dynamics throughout the entire period of the Russian aggression against Ukraine (2014-2023). The analysis of the processes in the triangle “Japan-Russia-Ukraine” demonstrated that the security of Europe and Asia might no longer be separated as autonomous processes.
More...
The third decade of the 21st century has witnessed more tensions, instabilities, and new alliances in the Indo-Pacific/Asia-Pacific region due to intensifying rivalry and strategic competition between the US Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) and China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), two grand strategies of the US and China respectively. This article aims to assess the Rules-Based International Order (RBIO) and comprehend Biden’s IPS, particularly exploring how the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) may impact China’s BRI. This paper argues that RBIO is debatable and not universal. It is also argued that while the IPEF unveiled by President Biden represents a strategically important step forward, a long-term US genuine commitment to its implementation to counter China’s BRI is essential. The methodology of this research is primarily based on secondary literature and official documents. This study concludes that although China is reluctant to pay too much attention to the US IPEF in its official statements, China is concerned about this economic initiative. The paper also concludes that because of the intense US-China rivalry, new alliances will emerge in the region leading to a new cold war or new world order.
More...
The knowledge existent at present, which generates the need for a new approach to the myth of Dracula, refers to an almost unanimous reception based on the novel published in 1897 by Bram Stoker and on the tens of the subsequent portrayals which have induced a social and cultural paradigm standardized as commercial kitsch. Within this fictitious construct Dracula has been expounded in manifold keys. However, to ordinary perception, his figure is reduced to the semi-caricatural vampire character, the living-dead craving for blood. This article aims to answer a series of questions about the representations of Dracula and their relevance to the fields of cultural and literary studies: Which is the “real” Dracula? Which are the psychological, cultural, social and historical impulses determining the actions of the character and the established myth? To what extent the deeds of the personage can be accounted for through the instrumentality of psychological impetus and by the agency of cultural, philosophical, esoteric, and occult principles? Thus can the “real” Dracula be integrated into an ampler context of culture and civilization, where his alienation and his monstrosity belong less to the paradigm of “the other”, of “the stranger” and refer more to the revealing of some of “our” intimately repressed human features?The article proposes a critical examination and reinterpretation of Dracula’s image, starting from the novel Jurnalul lui Dracula (Dracula’s Diary) (1992) by the Romanian writer and academic Marin Mincu. Original responses are being suggested to the questions defined previously – through several writing and literary theory techniques, including references to Corpus Hermeticum.By comparing and contrasting the hermetic philosophical text and the Romanian novel, the essay aims at finding out whether the entire construct of the myth of Dracula can be explained through two cultural and philosophical aspects, namely death and immortality. It also offers a new reading, another conceptualization of a familiar but debatable subject, which reinterprets and even rejects the mainstream view. The work by the extremely well-informed Romanian academic, which was first published in Italy, has nothing in common with Bram Stoker’s (“vampiric falsification”, asserts the author in the preface…), but vividly portrays the “real” Dracula, the Prince Vlad the Impaler, imprisoned in the underground cave of a castle under the Budapest Danube, writing a journal between February, 2nd, 1463 and August, 28th, 1464. In his diary the character recalls his historical fate and legendary destiny through references to aspects of Romanian culture and civilization considered in a European context. For instance, the study approaches topics such as: the religion of Zalmoxis as the philosophical and existential foundation of the Romanians; Dacians’ attitude towards death, as described by Herodotus, which might have influenced Pythagoras, Socrates, the Eleusinian and the Orphic Mysteries; the boycott of history by the Romanian people (an echo from philosopher Lucian Blaga’s writings); the orality of the Romanian culture (as opposed to the written culture of the western Europe); the oral folkloric creations, the ballad Miorița (The Little Ewe) and the fairy-tale Tinerețe fără bătrânețe și viață fără de moarte (Youth without old age and life without death), etc. All of these are put forward within the humanistic, Renaissance context of the epoch, given that Dracula was a friend of Marsilio Ficino, Nicolaus Cusanus, Pope Pius II, Cosimo de’ Medici, etc. Researchers will discover new speculative themes and directions with regard to the seemingly exhausted myth of Dracula.
More...
Beijing and New Delhi, as new world emerging powers, despite border skirmishes, have not considered themselves arch-rivals. Still, the necessities of real politics have forced India to take counter-measures towards China’s grand connectivity strategy in the framework of BRI and the Maritime Silk Road. This article assumes that China’s grand connectivity strategy has not targeted India in particular, but unavoidably it has affected India’s strategic interests in the Indian Ocean and Eurasia. In a qualitative and case study methodology, this research explains China’s grand connectivity strategy and how it affects Indian strategic interests. It also elaborates on India’s counter-measures vis-à-vis China policy. It concluded that the Chinese connectivity strategy has affected Indian strategic interests in the Indian Ocean and Eurasia. Therefore, Chabahar, Gwadar ports, and Malacca Strait are centers of gravity in these great connectivity rivalries.
More...
This study examines the evolution of Ukrainian refugees during the first year after the start of the full-scale armed conflict on 24 February 2022, which resulted in a severe humanitarian crisis and high levels of migration both within Ukraine and towards Europe. Using official statistics, the changes in border crossings from Ukraine to neighboring countries during the first year of the conflict are investigated. Additionally, surveys conducted with Ukrainian refugees in several European countries and author interviews conducted in Bulgaria, Spain, and Germany reveal the specific needs of refugees and the main challenges to successful integration into host labor markets and societies. The Temporary Protection Directives and other local protection programs are analyzed in this study, accompanied by a comprehensive discussion on similar initiatives. The primary conclusion drawn from this research affirms the presence of substantial challenges in the successful integration of Ukrainian refugees into host societies, despite the efforts made by the respective governments.
More...
The Paracel Islands are situated in the South China Sea geographic center and have an important strategic location for the military and the economy. Since 1884, France has represented the Vietnamese state as a protectorate to manage the archipelago. In the context of France seeking to expand its influence into the Asia-Pacific region, disputes over sovereignty over the Paracel Islands occurred during the colonial period between France (representing Vietnam), China, and Japan. The article aims to analyze the importance of the Paracel Islands in the policies of France, China, and Japan in general. Moreover, the specific activities of France in the struggle with China and Japan to affirm and protect sovereignty over the Paracel Islands would also be analyzed. Based on primary and secondary data, along with historical research methods, research methods in international relations, and other interdisciplinary research strategies, the article concludes that the Paracel Islands play an important role in the strategies of France, China, and Japan. Hence, the Paracel issue in this period has gone beyond the framework of traditional territorial disputes, becoming "internationalization” with consequences that persist to the present day. France's policy to exploit and administer the Paracel Islands was persistent, thorough, and systematic in the military, economic, political, and diplomatic spheres.
More...
The way allied Western nations protect their interests has been a major problem and factor in the demise of governance and democracy in the Nigerian state and other African nations. This has made Nigeria’s democracy, like that of other African countries, unstable since independence. Therefore, this article examined Western imperialism, which used religion as a tool and barrier to a strong, viable democracy in Nigeria. The article used critico-historical analysis as a method. The results showed that although Western imperialism and globalization, along with religion, have an expansionist and civilizing nature, they have also exhibited traits of dominance over other countries and systems of governance, thus making democracy weak and less rewarding. We argued that Nigeria’s democracy and religion must be independent and self-sufficient to avoid Western exploitation and imperialism and provide a context for religious inculturation. We concluded that for Nigeria and other African nations to thrive in true and strong democracies, religion should be decolonized through pulling down colonial religious presumptions, de-internationalization of religion, reorientation of religious education, restoration of indigenous languages, authentication of religious freedom, non-governmental funding of religion, and provision of theologically motivated research to a more legitimate position within religionism.
More...
The Republic of North Macedonia, as a country with a central geographic location on the Balkan Peninsula, represents a transit state through which the main road passes, where nearly a million migrants passed in recent years. This is also why many gangs and criminal groups that operate in an organized manner in the territory of the Republic of North Macedonia are allowed to commit criminal offenses related to the smuggling of migrants, which is also the research problem of this paper. With the content analysis method, we offer an overview of the criminalization of the offense of “migrant smuggling” in the Republic of North Macedonia. In contrast, through the statistical method, we offer a statistical analysis of criminal offenses of this type to create a good overview of the number and manner of committing these criminal acts. Based on the results of official statistical data from 2017-2021, it has been established that the number of smuggling migrants is increasing, while the number of persons convicted for the criminal offense “smuggling of migrants” is increasing slightly. We conclude that the Republic of North Macedonia has raised its capacities following international standards and has made a legal and institutional contribution to the prevention and fight against migrant smuggling.
More...
This article aims to provide an overview of the legal framework protecting the right to education of refugees in North Macedonia. The right to education is one of the fundamental human rights guaranteed by many international legal instruments. International treaties are particularly strong on the universality of the right to education. In the first part of the paper, the authors examined various international legal instruments regarding the educational rights of refugees and immigrants. In the second part, the emphasis was placed on the Macedonian legal framework and public policies by examining the incorporation of the norms of international law into the domestic legal order by comparison. As part of the so-called Balkan route, North Macedonia has witnessed mixed migration flows from the Middle East through the Balkans on their way to Central and Western Europe in 2015-2016. Although it has been a transit country for most of the time, there are some asylum seekers whose educational rights were disregarded due to the existing gap between the legislation and implementation. The authors’ conclusion emphasizes the challenges that have to be tackled by different stakeholders in order to facilitate access to education for refugees entirely.
More...
The invasion of Ukraine by Russia has resulted in the displacement of millions of Ukrainians, leading to socio-economic and political challenges for the host countries. The Refugee Response Plan, encompassing heavily affected EU Member States, has been the focus of this study, examining how the issue of refugee integration was addressed, with a specific emphasis on flaws and omissions in the approach. Various demographic and socioeconomic data and strategic national documents related to refugee integration were compared for this analysis. Employment was identified as a key tool for the integration of Ukrainian refugees. The findings revealed a lack of a common refugee integration policy among the surveyed countries despite similar past and current socioeconomic circumstances and security environments, including mixed migration. Ambiguities across these countries, including local population perceptions hindering Ukrainian refugee integration, were observed. Consequently, we assert the necessity for EU harmonized measures, emphasizing their long-term implementation to alleviate the economic burden of the war in Ukraine and provide predictability in the actions of individual governments.
More...