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In 2017, Russia’s policy towards NATO and other neighbouring countries, including persistent involvement in the conflict in eastern Ukraine, remained the main threat to Poland’s security. On the other hand, the strengthening of the Alliance’s deterrence and defence potential has had a positive impact on Poland’s security, in particular by increasing the military presence of its members in accordance with the decisions of the NATO summit in Warsaw in July 2016. However, there was an ongoing debate regarding the scale and directions of further adaptation to the Russian threat, and uncertainty about the future of this process increased after Donald Trump’s victory in the U.S. presidential election. The European pillar of Polish security was to be strengthened as a result of deep reform of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), including the activation of the mechanism of Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) and the European Defence Fund (EDF). At the same time, these efforts restored concerns about the possibility of the EU duplicating and undermining NATO’s efforts, including the adaptation process. The destabilisation of the Middle East, which distracted the U.S. and many European allies from the Eastern Flank, also remained a challenge for Poland.
More...The Rise of Czech-German Defence Cooperation
The article explores the driving forces behind the increase in Czech-German defence cooperation since the mid-2010s. We argue that the growth is due to several factors: Germany’s more active role in European security, an upgrade of the political framework of Czech-German relations and the Czech Republic’s need to modernise its armed forces. Further enhancement of relations was hindered by underdeveloped cooperation within the defence industry. The war in Ukraine has broken through this ‘glass ceiling’, and the quality of Czech-German defence cooperation is increasing.
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In regard to public and strategic modern communication, at least in one respect Considering the armed conflicts near the border of our country, more attention should be paid to national security; thus, all public institutions responsible for national security and defence should focus more on the combat training of subordinate personnel. As a NATO member state and through the role that our country has within the Alliance, in order to prove that we are a strong and respected state, we must constantly make efforts to be able to rise to the level of our partners within the Alliance. In this sense it is necessary to make progress regarding the use of the latest information and communication technologies, the modernization of military techniques and equipment, but also regarding the improvement of the level of physical training. In order to improve the fighting ability of the military, it is necessary to increase the level of their physical training, which can be achieved in the shortest possible time based on the methods and means of training used by the modern armed forces and their implementation in the design of physical training programmes from the very beginning of the military career.
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This paper will deal with the restrictions and prohibitions that exist regarding the use of weapons of mass destruction. International humanitarian law aims to limit the destructive effects of armed conflict. There are constant efforts to reduce suffering and destruction in armed conflicts to only the necessary measure. This paper will point out the consequences of the use of weapons of mass destruction, that is, the terrible suffering they cause, as well as the current situation in the international community regarding its prohibition and restrictions. The problem of this paper is to establish the limits of what is permitted and what is not permitted under international humanitarian law regarding weapons of mass destruction, as well as to determine the scope of those restrictions and prohibitions and their observance in practice. The work will determine the very goals of organizing and banning these weapons and their future reach.
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The main purpose of this article is to characterize the Polish Armed Forces. The study uses qualitative methods and the source of information was mainly the analysis of the content of documents and literature on the subject. In the first part of the article, the authors present the basic changes and assumptions of the Homeland Defense Act of March 11, 2022. Then they characterize the Polish Armed Forces. In the main part, the authors focus on the structure and tasks of the Polish Armed Forces. Summing up, they draw attention to the role played by the armed services in the military as well as civilian aspect. The aim of the research is to determine the role of the Polish Armed Forces in the security system of the Republic of Poland and to update the tasks and structure of the Polish Armed Forces introduced by new legal regulations. The study uses qualitative methods and the source of information was mainly the analysis of the content of documents. The literature on the subject served as a supplement to selected issues. The main problem of the research boils down to the question: What are the tasks of the Polish Armed Forces in the security system of the Republic of Poland and what changes do the new legal regulations bring to its structure? To answer this question, consider the following: 1. What does the Homeland Defense Act of March 11, 2022 change in the field of defence, including the Polish Armed Forces? 2. What are the types of the Polish Armed Forces and what tasks do they perform? 3. What is the role of command bodies of the Polish Armed Forces in the defense management subsystem?
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The information warfare of Russian Federation constitutes coordinated in time and place activities carried out both at the civil and military field. In the cognitive dimension, the goal of these activities are the people. Obtaining an information dominance requires the use of appropriate tools depending on the type and conditions of conducted activities, as well as the assessment of the enemy. The article in the first part presents the Russian approach to the issue pf information warfare as a tool for gaining information dominance. Next part present the methods and ways used by the Russian Federation to obtain an information advantage over the enemy – NATO and, in particular the USA. In the final part, reference is made to the current situation in the information warfare after the armed aggression against Ukraine.
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The demonstration activities of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation at the border with Ukraine at the turn of 2021/2022 were aimed at adopting the Russian point of view in the revision of the current European order by the authorities of Ukraine, the USA and Western countries. Russia’s leader, Vladimir Putin, in political talks aggressively demanded recognition of the proposed Russian order in Central and Eastern Europe. The organizational and technical modernization of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation, carried out over many years, made it possible for the president of the country to assume that Ukraine, the USA and the Western countries would be afraid of this demonstration of power and would agree to Russia’s revisionist demands. The effect was the opposite - Ukraine and the countries supporting this country were preparing for the worst option - war, rearming and training soldiers. Due to the lack of acceptance by all interested parties, the President of the Russian Federation changed the demonstration of military force into military aggression against Ukraine on February 24, 2022.
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The system of obligations to provide means of transport to the state in the period of the Second Polish Republic included both the obligations to provide them during peacetime and in the event of mobilisation or an outbreak of war. The present analysis covers only the latter case, i.e. it concerns the legal regulations on handing over, for remuneration, draught animals, carts, motor vehicles and bicycles for the defence of the state. The author reviews the Polish interwar legislation, paying attention to its evolution, and also analyses of the legal procedures related to the obligation to fulfi l administrative duties examined in the article.
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The main objective is to analyze the place and role played by history in the operations of Poland and Germany in the field of Eastern policy, with particular emphasis on the context surrounding the Russian war against Ukraine and how it developed in the first months of this conflict. In order to demonstrate the relationship between history’s influence on the present public discourse and Eastern and European policy of Poland and Germany, the article focuses on selected aspects of these countries’ Eastern policy, both historically and currently. The study also shows the connection between history and politics, particularly as it relates to the Russian Federation’s use of the so-called historical tools in hybrid tactics aimed at Poland, Germany, Ukraine and other democratic European countries. The text employs both the historical method and the comparative method. Additionally, discourse analysis was used in order to examine selected utterances of politicians and other representatives of public life in Poland and Germany, regarding history and Eastern policy. Selected elements of the analysis of the decision-making process related to the issues of the politics of memory, Eastern policy as well as European policy were also used.
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Russia’s large scale aggression war against Ukraine is a first step, never anticipated, in the direction of bringing back war into Europe, in the middle of the 21st Century. Even if only one year of war has passed, some lessons learned have brought into question the type of weapons, the ability to adapt and plan the transition from a peace time defence industry to a wartime industry capable of countering a war fought at wide scale. Moreover, some lessons are related to Ukraine's perspectives of winning for sure the war, but also to the time required to find a solution to such an aggression.
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The Caucasus Region is a growing market, with a high development potential. While it is an important hub for energy flows and freight transport, it is also a frozen conflict zone, generated by strong ethnic, cultural and religious segregation (an obstacle in attracting significant foreign investment and achieving a coherent development program).Seen by most of the parties involved as a geopolitical area of potential influence, the region has real development opportunities, but it could be drawn into a potentially implosive uncontrollable race, a range of geopolitical clashes and geostrategic repositioning that can evolve unfavourably for the well-being of the cohabiting communities.The Caucasus ethnic disputes led to military clashes with the Russian Armed Forces for more than two centuries and rooted some anti-Russian sentiments for generations. Ethnic fragmentation, division and resettlement carried out in the Caucasus by the Soviet leadership sought to create a buffer zone, characterized by constant instability and a zone where policies contrary to the Kremlin’s vision could not be implemented.Regaining the influence lost by Turkey, consolidating Iran’s fragile position in the region, Russia’s desire to reconquer, along with the expansion of China’s economic projection, hinders European and transatlantic efforts for a democratic development of the region, that could be beneficial for the citizen of Caucasus.
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This paper seeks to carry out a process of reflection on the current war in Ukraine, from the perspective of its informational component, both from the Russian and Ukrainian point of view. For this purpose, the present article is organized as follows: a brief introduction on the evolution of media presentation of armed conflicts; some aspects regarding Russia’s doctrine on information warfare/confrontation; the use of social media as weapons in informational confrontations; a case study on the use of Twitter social network in Russian disinformation campaigns and another one on the Ukrainian strategic communications, its effects on Ukrainian people morale and on the international community engagement for the Ukrainian cause; final remarks, key ideas and arguments on the information warfare between Russia and Ukraine.
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The article is intended to give an overall picture about electronic warfare action conducted by Russian and Ukrainian forces during the war started on February 24th 2022. I had this idea, after I read an article related to electromagnetic spectrum operations (EMSO) in which authors, two members of Joint Electronic Warfare Core Staff (JEWCS), Erik BAMFORD and Malte von SPRECKELSEN, came up with an interesting conclusion: “EW has been a sleeping dragon, hidden away and forgotten for a generation. Now the awakened dragon needs to be controlled!”As we all know, starting with 2008, Russian Federation invested a lot in the field of electronic warfare. Modern capabilities, most of them combat proven in Donbass or Syria, and specialized electronic warfare structures were established. Many military specialists stressed the fact that NATO is a long way behind Russian Federation in the field of electronic warfare. However, these investments haven’t helped a lot Russian forces during their offensive in Ukraine. Within the article, I’ll try to stress the importance of electronic warfare in the military actions, what went well and what went wrong for the both sides and the challenges faced by electronic warfare specialists within a period of one and a half year of conflict.
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Considering the constant technological advancement and the upgrowing number of internet users, people have turned to online communications as a primary means of keeping in touch with each other. Considering this, while keeping in mind the latest scandals that involved the monitoring and collecting user data without their knowledge or consent, humankind has become more concerned about data privacy. This also applies to chat applications, and because the best known instant messaging applications like Facebook Messenger and Whatsapp and Signal use the Signal protocol to secure data and communications, it would be advised to understand how it operates, its workflow, and the security features it provides: end to end encryption, forward secrecy and post compromised security.
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Review of: Activitatea NATO în anul 2022 NATO. “The Secretary General’s Annual Report - 2022”. 21.03.2023. Disponibil online la https://www.nato.int/nato_static_ fl 2014/assets/pdf/2023/3/pdf/sgar22-en.pdf Activitatea UE în anul 2022 Comisia Europeană. “UE în 2022 – Raport General privind activitățile Uniunii Europene.” 2023. Disponibil online la https:// op.europa.eu/en/publication-detail/-/publication/d73b364e-c180- 11ed-8912-01aa75ed71a1/language-en Integrarea inteligenței artifi ciale în strategiile din domeniul apărării. Michael RASKA și Richard A. BITZINGER (eds.), The AI Wave in Defence Innovation: Assessing military artificial intelligence strategies, capabilities and trajectories, Londra și New York: Routledge, 2023. Geopolitica – disciplină cheie pentru înțelegerea relațiilor internaționale. MUSSETTI, Mirko. Roza geopolitică – Economie, strategie și cultură în relațiile internaționale. București, Editura Militară, 2023. Tendințe strategice. Center for Security Studies, ”Strategic Trends 2023: Key Developments in Global Affairs”, ETH Zurich, 2023. Disponibil online la https://css.ethz.ch/content/dam/ethz/ special-interest/gess/cis/center-for-securities-studies/pdfs/ ST2023.pdf Ecosistemul transatlantic de inovare– între cooperare, competiție și identifi carea de sinergii Bjorn FAGERSEN et al, ”Navigating the Euro-Atlantic defence innovation landscape”, Politea, Martie 2023. Disponibil online la https://media.politea.se/2023/03/Politea-Defence-InnovationReport.pdf Tendințe în percepția populației din Europa Centrală și de Est GLOBSEC, “GLOBSEC Trends 2023”, Mai 2023. Disponibil online la https://www.globsec.org/sites/default/ fi les/2023-05/GLOBSEC%20Trends%202023.pdf Percepția populației din România și Norvegia la un an după izbucnirea războiului din Ucraina Alina BÂRGĂOANU et al, ”A year of war: National Attitudes in Romania and Norway”, New Strategy Center and Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, Mai 2023. Disponibil online la https://newstrategycenter.ro/ wp-content/uploads/2023/05/A-year-of-War-%E2%80%93- National-Attitudes-in-Romania-and-Norway-policy-2.pdf Statul Major General al FA ruse – rol și responsabilități în sistemul decizional din F.Rusă Alexis A. BLANC et al, “The Russian General Staff : Understanding the Military’s Decisionmaking Role in a Besieged Fortress”, Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2023. Disponibil online la https://www.rand.org/pubs/ research_reports/RRA1233-7.html Statul Major General al FA ruse – rol și responsabilități în sistemul decizional din F.Rusă Alexis A. BLANC et al, “The Russian General Staff : Understanding the Military’s Decisionmaking Role in a Besieged Fortress”, Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation, 2023. Disponibil online la https://www.rand.org/pubs/ research_reports/RRA1233-7.html
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The purpose of this article is to formulate an answer to the question of how numerous the Armed Forces of Poland should be, and how many tactical units they should have in light of pre-war methods of calculating defense needs. The methods of conducting calculations were taken from the works of Stefan Rowecki and Tadeusz Kutrzeba and V.K. Trandafilov. The ongoing war in Ukraine assumes not only a positional character, but also becomes a clash in which mass begins to play a decisive role. This justifies the choice of calculation methods referring to the times of mass warfare. Among the main problems with the method of calculation was the translation to today's realities of the assumption made by Trandafilov that the density of fire for effective defense should be 5 shells per minute per kilometer of front. Since it was not possible to find contemporary efficiency indicators, the assumption was made that a modern battalion ensures the conduct of an effective defense on a 5-kilometer frontline. This is supported by both the models associated with the calculation division and the tactical norms expressed in the regulations. The main contradiction revealed in the work concerns the differences between the actual state of the army and the calculated defense needs. Poland has 4 divisions, and the ongoing discussion since 2018 is about increasing their number to 5. In contrast, the calculations made show that a minimum of 16 such tactical unions are needed for a 650-kilometer-long dangerous border.
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As a phenomenon of the 21st century, the Ukraine-Russia war challenges neo- liberal ideas about the loss of meaning of hard power and undermines claims that phenomena such as war no longer belong to contemporary international relations. On the contrary, it confirms the credibility of the neo-realist geopolitical paradigm. The purpose of this article is to examine the concept of peace and victory, in the context of the ongoing war, in Ukraine's domestic and foreign policy practice. Therefore, the first part of the article is devoted to the conceptualization of war, peace and victory. The second part examines the importance of the concept of war as a foundation of Ukraine's domestic policy, which helps to understand the value of peace. The last part of the article presents an analysis of Ukraine's foreign policy, which presents predictive assessments of the advent of peace and its impact on regional and global security. The optimistic prediction is that Europe will still find the strength to avoid the mistakes of the past, overcome its fear of Russia and make efforts to maintain the old post-bipolar order. Outlining the contours of a new international security system is only possible if Russia is defeated. If this does not happen, the unipolar peace will be replaced by a multipolar peace, and the new security system of Eastern Europe will be based on a regional arrangement capable of repelling threats both from the East and from other directions. The leading role in it, after victory over Russia, will most likely belong to Ukraine.
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Advances in the field of military action strategy create the need to reexamine the definition of proxy war. Contemporary researchers are attempting to systematize knowledge on the subject, including those related to the development of a definition of proxy war that corresponds to the contemporary realities of military action. However, there is no consensus among researchers on what characterizes it. It is often equated with indirect action, political intervention, or hybrid warfare. This article aims to organize this knowledge. The subject of the research is the definition of proxy war in the context of its understanding in contemporary scientific discourse. The main problem, determining the research conducted, is to answer the question: what is the contemporary understanding of proxy wars? In order to solve the above research problem, the author undertook an analysis of the existing definitions, focusing on the elements that characterize them, such as: the objectives of using proxy war strategies, the elements determining its occurrence, or the number of parties determining the occurrence of this type of conflict. Due to the existence of many definitions of proxy war, related to each other in content, it was necessary to make a selection, the main criterion of which was the impact of these definitions on the scientific discourse.
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After an accidental bomb explosion in June 1906, Walery Sławek – one of the most important leaders of the Combat Organization of the Polish Socialist Party – was seriously wounded. Doctors managed to save his life, however, he was arrested and awaited trial in court-martial. As a result of this process he was acquitted. The article presents the course of Sławek’s trial based on court documents. This example argues that even during the revolution, under the conditions of the state war, the accused could count on a fair trial. A lot depended here on the judge’s attitude who sometimes managed to resist political pressure and judge according to the letter of the law.
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