Памет, която убива миналото

(За празнуването на юбилеите на Отечествената война 1812 г. и Задграничните походи на руската армия 1813–1814 г.)

Author(s): Vladimir Zemtsov / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 5-6/2015

This paper is devoted to the problem of correlation of historical memory and the politics of history as an example of commemorative events dedicated to the events of Patriotic War of 1812 and the foreign campaigns of the Russian troops in 1813–1814. The author concludes that for over 200 years Russian authorities have actively used these anniversaries for implementation, especially narrowly defined national interests. Authorities were interested in preserving the historical memory of those elements of the past, only to use it for purely utilitarian purposes. “Living Memory”, more consistently reflected historical reality, subjected to serial “dismemberment” of its “unwanted elements” – “forgetting”, and the remaining segments of it – the procedure of processing and design of these “new past”. This destruction of genuine historical memory confronted critically oriented historiography, appeared together with elements of civil society, which aims to “return” the past, to see it in all its complexities and contradictions. Systematic attempts of authorities made over 200 years, to monopolize the memory of events 1812–1814 with a view to “reformat” and the actual destruction, failed. Under the influence of the challenges of time and critical trends in historiography authorities were forced to make concessions, not only in their assessment of the past, but sometimes to be engage in dialogue with those who are trying to keep the past alive.

ПАТРІОТИЧНА РЕКЛАМА В УКРАЇНІ: ВІДПОВІДЬ НА ВИКЛИКИ ЧАСУ

Author(s): Vadym Osaula / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 2/2019

The purpose of the article to reveal and show the peculiarities of patriotic social advertising in support of the Ukrainian army (for example, video clips). Methodology. At the heart of the research methodology - the analyst, which involves the application of general scientific methods of analysis and synthesis, as well as special, in particular, monitoring MMC. The scientific novelty of the research is that for the first time within the Ukrainian social communication science, the patriotic social advertising of military orientation (video) in Ukraine has been analyzed. Conclusions. In recent years, a specific communicative situation has developed in our country, in which the advertising industry in Ukraine has undergone a number of changes.

Пелтастите – войните на Антична Тракия (тактика и стратегия)

Author(s): Zhivko Zhekov / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 3-4/2015

In the ancient narrative tradition which reflects historical processes in Hellas from the classical era Thracian warriors are mostly defined as peltasts. In a sense the ancient authors from the fifth century BC used the terms peltasts and Thracians as synonyms. These objective realities make it necessary to study peltasts and their warfare. That issue has not been actively studied in Bulgarian historiography dedicated to the ancient Thracians, which requires paying it more attention. The profound study of the issues connected with the military science of Thracians and more specifically peltasts is required due to the fact that today’s foreign historiography dedicated to ancient societies is increasingly recognizing that war was integral part of people’s lives in antiquity and it largely determined it one way or another. This applies in even greater extent to Thracians, who according to Hellenic and Roman ancient writers were deemed to be extremely militant. Based on evidence in ancient sources and on the existing scientific studies related to the topic, the author traces the combat operations involving Thracians in the period from 6th to 5th century BC and comment on tactics and strategy used in battle.

ПЕРІОДИКА ПРОВОДУ УКРАЇНСЬКИХ НАЦІОНАЛІСТІВ: «СУРМА» І «РОЗБУДОВА НАЦІЇ»

Author(s): Svitlana Omelyanivna Lisina / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 2/2018

The purpose of the article is to analyze the nationalist periodicals of the OUN ‘Surma’ and ‘Renewal of the Nation.’ At the same time, thematic publications on military issues were investigated, and their organizing role in the national liberation struggle of Ukrainian people was represented. The methodology of the reseaкch is to apply analytical-synoptic, logical methods which made it possible to present theoretical views on the periodicals of the military organization. The scientific novelty of the work is that the article substantiates the significance of military periodicals OUN as a propagandist of the ideas of Ukrainian organized nationalism among the broad masses; the military issues of the magazines ‘Surma’ and ‘Renewal of the Nation’ is presented; it is characterized the main users of the nationalist press organs on ideological political and military issues: J. Konoval’tsa, R. Jaroho, R. Sushka with the cooperation of V. Kolosovs’koho, V. Kurmanovycha and M. Kapust’ans’koho.

Питання підвищення конкурентоздатності військової служби на ринку праці України

Author(s): S.M. Chimyshenko / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 20/2013

The article deals with crisis tendencies in system of material stimulation of service activity of military men. The special attention is given decrease of densities of the basic parts of a monetary maintenance and, as consequence, decrease of their stimulating role in system of a monetary maintenance of military men.

Победници и побеђени

Author(s): Ivo Kolbe / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 18/1924

Ко је победник? — Мировни уговори нису решили то литање, Они су додуше, на „побеђене” навалили тешке терете у име репарација, али та сама чињеница није довољна да нам у ствари покаже ко су побеђени, Јер ти су исти уговори, посредно, тешко оптеретили и победитеље: да би ушчували користи постигнуте победом, они су присиљени држати на ногама огроман број утаборене момчади; присиљени су трошити читаве иметке и силна добра у један бездан, који носи име „припрема за будуће ратове",

Подела италијанске ратне флоте након Другог светског рата. Случај Југославије

Author(s): Miljan Milkić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2014

The disposal of the fleet was one of obligation that Italy has accepted by signing the Paris Peace Treaty on 10 February 1947 Italy was obliged to place at the disposal a total number of 162 different types of ships to United States, Great Britain, Soviet Union, France, Greece, Albania and Yugoslavia. The ships were to be given within three months from the entry into force of the Peace Treaty and to be fully armed and equipped. Determination of the amount and terms of delivery was entrusted to the Four-Power Naval Commission which consisted of representatives of United States, Great Britain, France and Soviet Union. Commission worked from 11 February 1947 to 9 May 1949. During this period, members of the Commission in consultation with their governments, mediate in conducting direct negotiations between the Italian government and governments that are supposed to receive the Italian ships. Political problems began to appear in this period between the Soviet Union and Western countries influenced the work of the Commission. Various concessions made by American and British governments led to a reduction in the number of ships that Italy had to deliver. In July 1948 the number of ships was reduced to 107. At the same time, only two ships were delivered. Warnings that the Italian government received from the American and British government, as well as the protests of Soviet, French, Greek, Yugoslav and Albanian governments, have affected Italy to begin delivery the ships since the autumn of 1948. During the preparation of the peace conference, Yugoslavia requested to receive a total number of 48 different ships. Pursuant on the decision of the Council of Foreign Ministers on 12 July 1946 Yugoslavia was supposed to receive 18 different ships. During August and September 1948, Yugoslavia received seven minesweepers. By signing the agreement with Yugoslavia on 14 April 1949, Italy has promised nine more ships.

Покушај прикупљања војске: Југословени у Јужној Африци 1941–1945.

Author(s): Ivana Božović / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1/2015

Yugoslavian civilian and military representatives in South Africa tried to get the approval they needed for the smooth conduct of military issues from the South African and Rhodesian authorities. In May 1942, the Yugoslav Military Mission, based in Cape Town, was formed and its main tasks were gathering volunteers of Yugoslav nationalities among the Italian prisoners, recruitment of Yugoslav subjects of the Union of South Africa, recruitment in South and North Rhodesia, and the relocation of Yugoslav military personnel from other locations to the Union of South Africa. However, according to contemporary reports and statements, the Mission resulted in almost complete failure. In addition to the Yugoslav Military Mission in South Africa, the headquarters of the Yugoslav Air Force training mission, which had previously trained many Yugoslavs, was situated in Johannesburg.

Покушај стратешког ослонца Југославије на СССР 1939-1941.

Author(s): Mile Bjelajac / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1-2/2006

Strategic military alliances are not qualified by ideological, religious, ethnic, economical or cultural reasons nor old enemities or alliences but mainly by primal national intereses, esspecially when the survival of the unitty is at stake. These were the guidings of Yugoslav military and state leadership in its rotation towards the USSR, esspecially after the French surender. After the Anschluss in 1938, one group of most outstanding Yugoslav generals (Zivko Pavlovic, Vojin Maksimovic, Milan Nedic and others) estimated that the stretegic situation for Yugoslavia will be more difficult than during the WWI because UK and France wouldn`t be capable to stop German divisions. Italians would make impossible Yugoslavs to be supplied. They appealed on state leadership to make new strategic steps. Generals Milan Nedic and Petar Pesic as defence ministers and general Petar Kosic as chief of General staff participated in attempts to achieve strategic cooperation in form of allience and in provision of lacking armament and raw materials from the USSR. General Dusan Simovic was also supporting this cooperation with the USSR all away from the early 30`s. His comrade and new minister of defense in government of 27th of March started the most intensed negotiations about allience. Because of some revizionistic attempts of distortion of Serbian history in modern French historiography it si useful to remind that king Alexander has strongly supported French politics of military and strategic cooperation with USSR in order to preserve the peace in Europe. This is confi rmed in French sources of the highest level. Also, with this paper we are correcting some prejudices and simplifi ed ideological interpretation in decrepit socialist (communist) about military and state leaders from that period. Sometime “traitors” and “enemies of bolshevism” are shown in totaly different light. Military leaders actually hoped to procure aproximately 800 airplanes with spare parts and ammunition from USSR. Later om, during the nogotiations and with more realistiv approach total number was reduced to 300 and number of tanks and armoured vehicles to 100. Also were requested 200 anti-aircraft guns, ammunition, spare parts 30 000 tons of air plane gasoline, 4 000 tons of coil for the navy, radio-stations, ponton bridges and raw materials for weapon industry. In preparations for this operation, which took part in February of 1941 also was prepared complete transport plan from harbours Odessa to Thessalonica as well throuh the Danube. Immediatelly after Soviet side became mute. “April war” overtook Yugoslav army without enough of modern weaponry, strategically surounded and with two weak allies from previous war - UK and Greece.

Политика у касарни – политички ставови припадника ЈНА почетком седамдесетих година

Author(s): Petar Dragišić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2009

The documents of the Organization of the Communist Party in the Yugoslav People’s Army from the mid-seventies show that at that time the top military leaders were carefully analyzing the impact of the political turbulences in Yugoslavia on the situation in the Yugoslav People’s Army. The information about “political crimes” in the YPA units leads to the conclusion that the political tensions present at the time in Yugoslavia had some effects on the ideological stability of the Army. The political incidents with the involvement of the members of the Yugoslav People’s Army were mostly motivated by interethnic intolerance which troubled the Yugoslav society at the end of the sixties and beginning of the seventies. The documents of the Organization of the Communist Party in YPA reveal that the military leaders saw the solution of the problem in intensifying political and ideological education of the members of the Yugoslav People’s Army.

Политика у Србији крајем XIX и почетком XX века виђена очима руских дипломатских, војних и полицијских агената

Author(s): Jаroslаv Valerijanovič Višnjakov / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2010

The article dwells on the subject of political development of Serbia at the beginning of the 20th century as seen by Russian witnesses – diplomats as well as military and security agents who were actively involved in the Belgrade politics of the time. Their evidence is crucial for understanding the reasons and character of the Serbian political crisis which led to the coup d’etat of May, 29th, 1903.

ПОЛИТИКАТА НА ЕС ЗА ЗАДЪЛБОЧАВАНЕ НА ВОЕННО - ИНДУСТРИАЛНОТО СЪТРУДНИЧЕСТВО - НАЦИОНАЛНИ И ЕВРОПЕЙСКИ ОСОБЕНОСТИ

Author(s): Lyubomir Monov / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 2/2020

This article examines some national and allied features of the European defense industry and the EU defense market. The article claims that on one hand, the EU countries share a common position for the importance of military-industrial cooperation, which they see as a tool for achieving the EU's strategic autonomy. On the other hand, this research insists that at national level the EU countries see the issue through the prism of their own sovereignty and independence. There are some alternatives before EU governments and businesses. The first option is to lose some of their independence, but to develop and acquire with other countries new weapons and equipment, which in general means lower costs. The other option is to preserve their sovereignty but to pay a high financial price. Finally, this paper presents some aspects of the EU's political commitments and examines the European Defense Fund as a tool for defense-industrial cooperation.

Политички систем Tурске на размеђу кемализма и исламизма

Author(s): Živojin Đurić,Vladimir V. Ajzenhamer / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 4/2011

This paper determines, through the analysis of political institutions, as well as analysis of the key moments of the modern Turkish history, the main characteristics of the political system of Turkey. Also, the authors analyze the role of the military in the establishment and maintenance of the secular society, and try to illuminate the essence of the current Islamist shift in Turkish politics. The paper first gives a historical overview of Ataturk’s reforms and the emergence of the Turkish republic, followed by review of basic characteristic of its political institutions. Then the authors analyze the past and present role of the military in Turkish political life, as well as reform shift after the victory of Islamists on parliamentary elections in 2002. The final part of the paper raises the question of whether the current policies of the ruling AK party leads to а greater democratization of society, its Islamization, or domination of one party over the entire political system?

ПОЛІТИЧНА СИСТЕМА СУСПІЛЬСТВА В УМОВАХ ГІБРИДНОЇ ВІЙНИ: СПРЯМОВАНІСТЬ ТРАНСФОРМАЦІЙ

Author(s): Volodymyr Fedorovych Smolianiuk,Krutij Vadym Oleksandrovych / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 2/2019

Problem setting. Transformational changes in political systems are an essential condition for their development. However, if in a peaceful time, diverse political transformations take place on evolutionary principles, then during the war they are significantly accelerated. The hybrid war has brought new emphasis to the transformation of political systems. Such transformations take place practically throughout the political system, but in order to classify the most important transformations, it is expedient to distinguish its key subsystems - institutional, normative, functional, communicative, spiritual and cultural.Analysis of recent research and publications on the topic. In the works of O. Babkina, V. Bebik, V. Gaponenko, V. Gorbatenko, I. Gorokhovsky, V. Kotygorenko, V. Kafarsky, N. Khoma, I. Kresinoy, A. Kudryachenko, V Masic, Y. Matsievsky, P. Mironenko, M. Mikhalchenko, I. Onischenko, E. Pereguda, T. Poyarkova, M. Primush, O. Romanyuk,F. Rudich, V. Soldatenko, O. Stoiko, T. Tkachenko, G. Zelenko, and other native. The researchers have considered in detail the processes of formation and development of political systems. In the works of O. Demenko, V. Dubov, M. Gonchar, V. Gorbulin,A. Litvinenko, V. Mandrageli, B. Parakhonsky, M. Rozumnyj, L. Smola, M. Trebin,G. Yavorskaya the problems of the hybrid war in the context of determining its essence, content, orientation, purpose, as well as the specifics of deployment and flow. Scientific developments by F. Cappen, F. Hoffman, R. Glenn, R. Newson, J. Sherr reveal the views of Western specialists on hybrid wars. At the same time, studies that examine the transformation of political systems under the influence of the hybrid war in Ukrainian political science is clearly not enough.Paper objective. Indicate the existence of a large number of definitions of the hybrid war, none of which does not claim to epistemological absolute. Analyze the transformational processes in the main subsystems of the political system of society (institutional, normative, functional, communicative, spiritual and cultural) in the context of a hybrid war. Indicate the innovative moments of the development of political systems under the influence of hybrid offensive (defense). Emphasize the special role of the state as the basic political institution on the organization of the vital functions of the political system in the conditions of active hybrid influences of the opposite side (enemy state). Paper main body. A hybrid war affects all subsystems of the political system of society - institutional, normative, functional, communicative, spiritual and cultural (cultural- ideological). However, there is a significant difference in the depth and intensity of such influence.There is a fundamental influence of the hybrid war on the state as the basic political institution of society, which is the main actor of military-political relations. Destruction (weakening) of the enemy state was and remains the goal of any war, including hybrid war. Under these conditions, the state is faced with the need to create versatile variants of the power response to hybrid hazards. As a rule, special government bodies are created with additional powers. There are large-scale institutional transformations within the security and defense sector. For the conduct of hostilities, the forces of reserve are involved. Full or partial mobilization is announced. New parts and connections are deployed. Additional elements of the security and defense sector can be created.There are changes in the regulatory legal subsystem. Orders of the supreme commander- in-chief, directives of the supreme commander-in-chief, decisions of military-civilian administrations, etc. may be added to traditional normative legal acts (laws, decrees, resolutions, decisions, orders). The functional subsystem is also in a state of massive changes. The authorities deliberately urge all patriotic forces to strengthen armed resistance against the aggressor (occupation). Volunteer armed formations, underground structures, local self-defense units, volunteer movements, information resistance, establishment of foreign aid channels, etc. are strongly stimulated. As a result, there is a deetatization of military practice, an active involvement of the general population in defense activities.The communicative subsystem feels no less dynamic changes. Inside the political system there is a rapid selection of political actors based on their attitude to the objectives of the war, the opportunities for participation in it and the ways of working in practical military actions. Subjects expressing doubts about the possibility of victory, and even congratulating the enemy, acquire the status of non-systemic elements, whose activities should be stopped immediately. Their leaders have to face political (criminal) responsibility for anti-state actions.The spiritual and cultural subsystem is connected with the peculiarities of mass political culture, the rational and irrational components of collective and individual political consciousness. The ability of the political system to actively resist the dangers of the hybrid war and to succeed in its consequence is the domination of positive (heroic-patriotic, liberation, victorious) cultural-ideological entities that form the general spiritual uplift of the people. The vulnerability of the political system, which loses the hybrid war and questions the future of the state, society, and nation, leads to the opposite result. Apathy, fatalism, despondency, internal emptiness of a person are a nourishing environment for the formation of a feeling of defeat, which is the goal of a hybrid variety of hostilities on the part of the enemy.The overall impact of the hybrid war on the political system of society is indisputable. The political system, using its adaptive potential, inevitably changes in the structural, functional, communicative, normative, and so on. The direction and intensity of such changes depends on the stability and flexibility of the political system, target orientations and resources of the attacking party, as well as the foreign policy context of the deployment and development of military events.Conclusions. The overall impact of the hybrid war on the political system of society is indisputable. The institutional subsystem of the political system of society in the context of hybrid warfare is characterized by the creation of new military-political authorities, accelerated development of the military organization of the state (security and defense sectors), increased attention to or protection against the infrastructure of information and psychological warfare, as well as deepening of the international military-political partnership. In the normative subsystem there is a dynamic update of legislation on national security and defense, taking into account the needs of the war. The functional subsystem stimulates the qualitative execution of legally defined responsibilities in the field of national security and defense, mobilization of state and social capabilities for military tasks. The communicative subsystem provides the search and formation of new formats of interaction of elements of the political system with each other, with the external environment and with civil society. Changes in the spiritual and cultural subsystem are to intensify the activity of mass media, cultural, artistic and educational institutions on the issues of informational and psychological offensive (defense), as well as the formation of heroic-patriotic, liberation, victorious components of social consciousness capable of ensuring the spiritual uplift of the nation in order to win the war. The focus and intensity of such changes depends on a number of factors, the main of which is the stability of the political system, supplemented by elements of flexibility, target orientations and resources of the attacking party, as well as the foreign policy context of the deployment and development of military events.

ПОСЕЗАЊЕ ЗА СВЕТСКОМ МОЂИ И АКТУЕЛНЕ ТЕНДЕНЦИЈЕ ФАШИЗАЦИЈЕ СВЕТА ЖИВОТА

Author(s): Simo Elaković / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1-2/1999

Author considers NATO aggresion within the context of profound crisis of modern civilisation. Therefore gives special analysies of “catastrofic men” in politics, of “recket society” or political gangsterism, and “tired world” of nowadays. Critic of bombardment is founded on comparative analysis of “New world order” from 1942. and 1989. By the aid of Horkheimers invastigation author maintain the thesis that technology of imposing of global power reveal in itself the fashist concept of politics (cult of the leader, activism, hierarchy, elitism.) In the conclusion author is stressing that NATO bombardment means redrowal into prepolitical condition.

ПОСЛЕДИЦЕ НАТО ИНТЕРВЕНЦИЈЕ У ЈУГОСЛАВИЈИ

Author(s): Radmila Nakarada / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 1-2/1999

The article shows that the Kosovo challenge is misrepresented, that fundamental geostrategic interests are hidden by the moral rhetoric: securing NATO primacy in relation to the UN, creating a military machine that will be intervening around the globe, whenever it decides that it interests are threatened, redrawing the Balkan map, sending a message to all other potential violators of future NATO ultimatums. The local, regional and global consequences of NATO bombing are taken up from the standpoint of internal democratization, regional stability and the global rule of law.

Постмодерні форми політичного спротиву (на прикладі подій в Україні періоду кінця 2013-2014 років)

Author(s): Natalia Khоmа / Language(s): Ukrainian / Issue: 1/2015

The dynamics of changing forms of social protest as well as new, postmodern forms of political action at the example of Revolution of Dignity of 2013-2014 and Ukraine-Russia military confrontation in 2014 have been analysed in this article. It has been proved that modern ways of expressing protest differ from the old ones in the use of ironic slogans, performance, creativity and non-violent actions. Revolutionary war space is represented as the accumulation of many genres (photos, graffiti, political posters, installations, sculptures, cartoons, etc.). It has been proved that political action in the postmodern reality is provocative having at its base a game, ritual, and symbolism. The perception of political events through the prism of entertainment has been emphasised.

ПРЕВЪОРЪЖАВАНЕ И ИНДУСТРИАЛНА ПОЛИТИКА ПОСТАВЯНЕ НА ПРАВИЛНИЯ ФОКУС

Author(s): Georgi Tsvetkov / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 2/2020

The defence policy of the Republic of Bulgaria has the unique opportunity for the last 30 years to implement a comprehensive rearmament program. Despite the crises, the economy is developing confidently, with the help of European Union funds, and the security environment and critical technological backwardness allow the generation of the required public and political support. However, the ambition cannot be limited to the accomplishment of a portfolio of investment projects. Rather a new quality level of our defence capabilities should be achieved. This ambitious goal requires the development of both the necessary defence management tools and the true implementation of the concept of Defence Governance. Otherwise, we face the risk of repeating our sad experience of 2004-2010.

Предлог реорганизације српске војне обавештајне службе из 1909.

Author(s): Aleksandar Životić / Language(s): Serbian / Issue: 2/2015

Институционално уобличавање војне обавештајне службе у модерној српској држави започело је са формирањем Главног Ђенералштаба који је установљен „Уредбом о устројству Главног Ђенералшатаба“ од 5. фебруара 1876. Уредбом је прописано да његово Прво, односно оперативно одељење има и војнообавештајну функцију. У склопу опште реорганизације, 1883. је донет нов закон о војсци којим је војска Краљевине Србије устројена по принципима који су важили у развијеним европским земљама. На основу тог закона донета је 5. марта 1884. и нова „Уредба о ђенералштабној струци“. Том уредбом је дефинисана улога ђенералштабне струке, као и организација и делокруг рада Главног Ђенералштаба који се састојао из Оперативног, Војногеографског и Војноисторијског одељења. Задатак Главног Ђенералштаба је уопштено означен као „проучавање сопствене земље и суседних држава у чисто војном, војногеографском, војнотопографском и војностатистичком погледу“. [...]

Приемственост и трансформация на американската стратегия към Близкия изток

Author(s): Boyan Hadzhiev / Language(s): Bulgarian / Issue: 1/2020

The Middle East is one of the most turbulent regions in the world, and its resource potential makes it a major field for geopolitical clashes. The American strategy in this region is in many cases contradictory, almost always pragmatic, but often based on idealistic motives. The context analysis, the policies and the means the United States implement allows the essence of the American strategy to be traced and evaluated – whether it is transforming and how.