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HELSINŠKE SVESKE №35: How Susceptible are the Youth to Islamic Extremism

Author(s): Vladimir Ilić,Srđan Barišić,Stefan Stefanović,Jovana Saračević,Izabela Kisić / Language(s): English

The crucial question here is: Are the Muslim youth in Sandžak imbued with religious extremism or not? Hardly any interethnic and inter-religious incident has been registered in this part of the Republic of Serbia. On the other hand, fighters from Sandžak are being involved in the Iraqi and Syrian wars. Depending on the answer to the question above, the authorities could take appropriate actions aiming at young people in Sandžak. Both domestic and international stakeholders – and there are many of them, including the non-governmental sector – could develop plans and take a variety of concrete steps depending on the answer to this very question.

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CSD-Report 30 - Energy Sector Governance and Energy (In)Security in Bulgaria

Author(s): Ruslan Stefanov,Todor Galev,Martin Tsanov,Martin Vladimirov,Nadejda Gantcheva / Language(s): English

This report explores the major governance deficiencies in the Bulgarian energy policy regarding the strategic, institutional, and legal framework of the sector. The report focuses on state capture of energy policy by private political and economic interests that led to bad management practices in the sector, to lack of consistency in the legal and regulatory framework, to deteriorating investment environment, and to the involvement of the country in infrastructure projects that undermine the national long-term strategy and policy priorities. This has affected negatively the Bulgarian taxpayers and consumers, has jeopardized the financial stability of the state-owned energy companies, and, ultimately, has reduced the energy security of the country. The report recommends that the implementation of the country’s energy policy should be reconsidered and should be based on EU priorities and on sound cost-benefit analyses with regard to Bulgaria’s energy security.

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CSD-Report 14 - Weapons under Scrutiny: Implementing Arms Export Controls and Combating Small Arms Proliferation in Bulgaria

Author(s): Philip Gounev,Emil Tsenkov,Bernardo Mariani,Larry Attree / Language(s): English

The report concludes that despite the evolution of Bulgaria’s arms export controls and its relatively clean record, compared to most of the 1990s, there is still room for improvement. The best approach to tackling all the issues raised in this report is through stricter implementation of the new export control mechanism adopted in 2002. // The report is divided into five parts. Part one provides an analysis of the social and economic reasons that have contributed to the reluctance among Bulgarian politicians to strengthen arms controls. It describes the transformation of the defense industry in the post-Communist transition period, as well as its current state. Part two provides an analytical description of Bulgaria’s arms control mechanism. Part three examines the factors contributing to illegal arms exports from Bulgaria and offers some data from recent cases. Part four focuses on the potential social, economic, and political effects of stronger arms controls. The last section offers a number of recommendations for the improvement of the export-control system.

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Partnerstwo w przywództwie? Stany Zjednoczone i Niemcy (1989-2016). Perspektywa polska

Author(s): Jadwiga Kiwerska / Language(s): Polish

Stany Zjednoczone i Republikę Federalną Niemiec łączą stosunki, które stanowią ważny filar zaangażowania Ameryki w Europie. Stąd ich znaczenie dla bezpieczeństwa europejskiego i porządku międzynarodowego. Od momentu zjednoczenia Niemiec wiele się zmieniło we wzajemnych relacjach. Był to zarówno efekt nowych uwarunkowań międzynarodowych, jak i skutek odzyskania przez Niemcy pełnej suwerenności oraz ich rosnących aspiracji politycznych. Silniejsze Niemcy stały się bardziej asertywne wobec oczekiwań Waszyngtonu. Dynamika wydarzeń międzynarodowych spowodowała także redefinicję amerykańskich celów i metod działania na arenie światowej, co nie pozostało bez wpływu na kształt relacji z Berlinem. O tym wszystkim mowa jest w prezentowanej książce. Analizując ewolucję stosunków amerykańsko-niemieckich w ostatnim ponad ćwierćwieczu, próbowano odpowiedzieć na pytanie, czy RFN zyskała nowe miejsce w strategii Waszyngtonu. Czy jako silniejszy podmiot postępowała odpowiedzialnie i wiarygodnie w relacjach z amerykańskim supermocarstwem? Czy z kolei USA wyciągnęły właściwe wnioski z faktu, że ich partnerem jest państwo o dużym potencjale gospodarczym i znaczącej randze politycznej? Czy potrafiły optymalnie i skutecznie współpracować z nowymi Niemcami? Biorąc pod uwagę znaczenie dla Polski dobrych relacji zarówno z Niemcami, jak Stanami Zjednoczonymi, starano się określić implikacje stanu stosunków na linii Waszyngton-Berlin dla polskich interesów. Czy udało się te cele osiągnąć, pozostawiam życzliwej ocenie czytelników.

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Military Secret Part I

Author(s): Vladan Vlajković / Language(s): English

If history teaches us what life is all about, and this is true, then books are testimonies assisting history to show to the next generations where we are and why we have made mistakes instructing us not to stumble twice upon the same obstacle. "Military Secret" is a testimony which came to existence by a concurrence of peculiar circumstances and thanks to my own aspiration to expose entirely and at any cost the position and the role of the top military brass in preservation of an insane regime, alien to both the Serbs and the Montenegrins, at the beginning of the 21st century. Having been drawn into the games of big security services, dragged out of anonymity and motivated by my personal hardships and suffering, but also thanks to good people from the military and the police, I was in a position, amongst other things, owing to kindness of other people, to influence, perhaps, certain currents of history in, judging by everything, now former Yugoslavia. I am aware of the fact that the state is grateful to an individual only while it needs him/her.

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Annual Report on Human Rights: Serbia in 2009 - Europeanization – Accomplishments and Limitations

Author(s): / Language(s): English

In 2009, Serbia made necessary progress in defining its future as a European country. The measures taken by the Serbian Government in that direction opened its European perspective. This inevitably provoked adverse reactions by one part of the Serbian elite, which is feverishly defending its position and insisting on the greater-state national project. This specifically refers to its resistance to NATO membership, interpretation of the recent past and defense of Bosnia’s status quo. Regardless of the opening of its European perspective, Serbia is still torn between its wish to join the European family and a strong conservative bloc trying to preserve the model of a patriarchal and populist state. The aggravating factors are a total blockade of the economy, bad privatization, monopolistic status of tycoons and incapable leaders at all levels. A drag on development is also centralism that stubbornly resists any decentralization and regionalization, which are a prerequisite for democratization and the undertaking of responsibility at all levels. Serbia’s progress toward the European perspective also implies a more resolute internal transformation, involving the status of Vojvodina, change of the Constitution, decentralization and regionalization, status of minorities and reform of the country’s media space. This is a prerequisite for breaking away from Milošević’s legacy.

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Understanding Strategic Communications: NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence Terminology Working Group Publication No. 3

Author(s): / Language(s): English

When the founding treaty that would bring NATO into being in April 1949 was under-written by twelve signatory nations, the world looked a very different place. The backdrop was dire. The outlook even more so. George Kennan’s ‘Long Telegram’ in 1946 had already warned of a threat from an expansionist Soviet Union intent on exporting communism to the West and depriving millions of Europeans of their freedom. US President Harry Truman had come to the aid of those European populations—afflicted with hunger, homelessness, pestilence, and national bankruptcy. By launching an unprecedented public diplomacy policy, the Marshall Plan, freedom would be preserved through a rebuilding of economies and revival of cooperation be-tween trading nations. Barely two years before the treaty signing, at the invitation of the Austrian economist Friedrich Hayek, the Mont Pelerin Society had convened a body of august economists, philosophers, and historians committed to staving off the advance of tyranny. Their alarm was palpable: ‘over large stretches of the Earth’s surface the essential conditions of human dignity and freedom have already disappeared’. Red-baiting turned into witch-hunting in the United States as the House Un-American Activities Committee went about its business. Hot wars fought in Korea and Indo-China would eventually give way to proxy wars waged on the African continent—save for one confrontation over Cuba.

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Kremlin Communication Strategy for Russian Audiences Before and After the Full-Scale Invasion of Ukraine

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Particularly since the annexation of Crimea in 2014 and the subsequent popularization of what has frequently been mischaracterized as ‘the Gerasimov doctrine’, Russia’s behaviour in the information space has often been viewed as part of its ‘grayzone’, ‘hybrid’, or ‘sub-threshold’ activities. However, the events of late February 2022 and the ensuing months have amply demonstrated that Russia’s information activities should also be viewed in the context of the country as a conventional, above-threshold threat. February 2022 may have marked the point at which Russia’s actions left the ‘grayzone’ and entered the realm of full-scale conventional warfare, but the information environment nevertheless remains a key facet of this conflict. On the Russian side, the Kremlin’s stranglehold on television media and the proliferation of Kremlin-aligned (or, at the very least, anti-Ukrainian) Telegram accounts have ensured public support for the war, which (ac-cording to polling by the Levada Center), re-mains high, at 72%—higher even than when the war first broke out, even as sanctions bite, military failures mount, and Russia’s manpower losses surpass those of all wars it has fought since the end of World War II combined. On the Ukrainian side, tropes such as the ‘Russian warship go f*ck yourself’ exchange at Snake Island have helped ensure public support among Ukraine’s allies for aiding the country’s war effort, casting Ukraine as a plucky under-dog against a larger foe which is simultaneously deadly and incompetent.

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Strategic Communications and COVID-19: Exploring and Exploiting a Global Crisis

Author(s): / Language(s): English

Choose your metaphor. It was the perfect storm. It was an accident waiting to happen. Humanity on the move–the prosperous seeking leisure, the deprived migrating en masse, the desperate fleeing from war. Global supply chains so complex as to have enmeshed national economies into an international web. While the rise of Great Power politics was daily pulling the world apart. Then along came Covid.

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Naród: wspólnota wyobrażona

Author(s): Artur Jabłoński / Language(s): Polish

The book analyses and attempts to reconstruct the notion of the Kashubian nation as imagined by Jan Rompski (1913-1969) – writer, national activist and ethnographer. Rompski, founder of the Zrzeszińce political and literary group, envisioned the Kashubian identity as a collection of features from an open set encompassing in particular: territory, language, culture, and civic sense. Intertwined with the discussion of Rompski’s views are modern Kashubian identity discourses that serve to confront his narrative with ways in which Kashubian identity is imagined today.

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Tadeusz Mazowiecki

Author(s): / Language(s): Polish

Tadeusz Mazowiecki (1927-2013), the first non-communist prime minister of Poland after the Second World War, was undoubtedly a major figure of Polish political life of the second half of the twentieth century. This has spurred the initiative to compile a multi-volume edition of Mazowiecki’s scattered writings and documents connected with him, which would encompass the entirety of his time as a social and political activist. This volume, concerning Tadeusz Mazowiecki in the period of his premiership, comprises two parts. The first contains texts and documents from 1989-1990, the period when Mazowiecki headed the government or immediately before. The second part is a selection of later interviews and reckoning articles: until the end of his life, Tadeusz Mazowiecki would explain the decision he had made as the prime minister, defending them, sometimes by revealing their hitherto unknown circumstances. Mazowiecki’s government laid foundations for a new Polish statehood – in a country devastated economically and politically by almost half a century of communist rule. It transitioned Poland from authoritarianism to democracy, and its economy from inefficient systemic poverty to free market. These reforms were not perfect, but they were revolutionary, though implemented in an evolutionary fashion. The fifteen months of Mazowiecki’s government proved enough to begin strategic changes in all areas of Polish life, changes that would be continued afterwards. They were not enough, however, for all these changes to be completed under Mazowiecki’s government – even though it is this government that was blamed for the errors and mistakes of transition, not its critics and successors. Tadeusz Mazowiecki was a man who attached great importance to the world of values. He perceived politics as acting for the sake of the common good. Today this no longer is a feature associated with politicians. This is all the more reason to offer a reminder that there was a time when politics could be done differently, and that this time was not that long ago.

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Rusija i Zapadni Balkan

Author(s): Dušan Reljić / Language(s): Serbian

The European Union undertook to act as a "driving force" during the transformation conflicts in the Western Balkans with the aim of ensuring peace and security in Europe. Prospects for membership in the Union, which have been provided to the states of this region, work according to in the words of Commissioner for Enlargement Olli Rhen, as a "compass that helps countries in the region to orient themselves and stay on the peaceful path towards reforms". In the EU enlargement strategy, it is stated that preventing conflicts and strengthening stability and security, belong to the strategic interests of the European Union. It serves those interests, as one of the most effective foreign policy instruments of the Union, and its policy expansion. When the entire region is integrated into the EU, among the countries of that part of the continent a lasting and stable peace will be established. At least that is the widespread hope within Western Balkans and beyond.

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FROM FOUR PILLARS OF FOREIGN POLICY TO EUROPEAN INTEGRATION: IS THERE A WILL FOR STRATEGICALLY ORIENTING SERBIA’S FOREIGN POLICY?

Author(s): Igor Novaković / Language(s): English

Foreign policy priorities, the Republic of Serbia’s system for adopting and overseeing foreign policy decisions and harmonization with the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy

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INDEPENDENT REPORT ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF NAP 1325 IN SERBIA

Author(s): Gorana Odanović,Maja Bjeloš / Language(s): English

This report evaluates the implementation of the National Action Plan (NAP) on UN Security Council Resolution 1325 in the Republic of Serbia during its first year (December 2010 to July 2012). The NAP was introduced to mainstream gender perspectives in security sector management and enhance Serbia’s role in promoting gender equality within the Western Balkans. While the adoption of the NAP marked a significant reform initiative, its implementation has faced numerous challenges, including delays in establishing institutional mechanisms, insufficient funding, and limited integration of existing gender equality frameworks. The report examines seven key thematic areas outlined in the NAP: institutional mechanisms, women’s representation in the security sector, participation in decision-making and multinational operations, legal protection against discrimination, education and training, media representation, and collaboration with civil society organizations (CSOs). Particular attention is given to institutional cooperation with CSOs, as they play a crucial role in advancing NAP objectives. Findings highlight persistent barriers, such as discrimination in the male-dominated security sector, inadequate institutional commitment, and the lack of robust media coverage promoting gender equality. Recommendations are provided for addressing these challenges, including strengthening institutional accountability, improving funding mechanisms, and fostering collaboration between state and non-state actors. The report underscores the importance of integrating gender equality policies into security sector reform to improve institutional efficiency, bolster Serbia’s international standing, and enhance citizen security.

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INDEPENDENT REPORT ON THE IMPLEMENTATION OF NAP FOR UNSC RESOLUTION 1325 IN SERBIA: JULY 2012 – JULY 2013

Author(s): Maja Bjeloš,Tamara Skrozza / Language(s): English

This is the second independent report on the implementation of the National Action Plan (NAP) for Implementing UNSC Resolution 1325 in the Republic of Serbia. The first report was published in 2012. It covered the period from the NAP adoption in December 2010 to July 2012. The aim of the second report is to present the greatest achievements in the process of NAP implementation for the period July 2012 - 2013, to point out the challenges faced within this process, and to suggest the measures to overcome these challenges and advance the implementation of the NAP. Looking at the progress made in the implementation of the NAP during the relevant period, we will focus on the main accomplishments of the previous period, and particularly on the challenges, with the intention to see whether they were addressed by public authorities in the past year. Taking into consideration that three years have passed since the adoption of the NAP, key findings and messages of this Report will hopefully generate discussion and prompt a review of the NAP to ensure a better understanding of what has been completed done thus far, while equally identifying priorities for the coming period of the NAP implementation.

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Women, Peace and Security in the Western Balkans : Independent review of translation of UNSCR 1325 in to the policies in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Macedonia and Serbia

Author(s): / Language(s): English

The adoption of UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security was heavily influenced by the experiences of gender-based violence, exclusion of women-led peace initiatives, and the reinforcement of traditional gender roles during the Yugoslav wars. Women’s civil society organizations (CSOs) and the international community spearheaded efforts to increase women's roles in conflict resolution and security governance. Despite the resolution's adoption, it took over a decade for its principles to be integrated into national policies in the Western Balkans. Women's CSOs played a critical role in advocating for human security and gender equality, although they were often marginalized and labeled as adversaries by nationalist political regimes. Momentum for mainstreaming UNSCR 1325 only grew after international actors supported its agenda in the region, particularly during the resolution's tenth-anniversary preparations. Governments in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Croatia, Macedonia, and Kosovo developed National Action Plans (NAPs), while Montenegro and Albania chose alternative approaches. These efforts primarily focused on internal reforms aimed at gender equality and security sector transformation, rather than addressing the legacies of conflict or prioritizing foreign policy. This study reviews the initial implementation of UNSCR 1325 in selected Western Balkan countries, analyzing the effectiveness of NAPs and alternative strategies. It highlights the challenges and opportunities encountered in aligning gender equality with security reforms. The findings offer insights for countries in the region and beyond as they continue to develop or refine their approaches to the Women, Peace, and Security agenda.

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PrEUgovor : Report on Progress of Serbia in Chapters 23 and 24

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

Over the past six months, the coalition PrEUgovor has been monitoring the state of play regarding the key policy areas in the process of Serbia’s accession to the EU. These areas include the political criteria and policies covered under chapters 23 and 24 of the European acquis in the negotiation process. The monitored period was marked by two key events: the release of Screening Reports for chapters 23 and 24 by the European Commission, and drafting of the Action Plans for these two chapters. Additionally, the Progress Report for Serbia for 2014 was released by the EC in October, so this report is envisaged as a commentary and an update to this document. This report presents concrete case studies, well researched and documented by the coalition’s members, in order to illustrate problems in the areas covered. Lastly, it also contains comments on the Action Plan draft for chapter 23. Generally, the progress in the areas covered by the PrEUgovor report can best be described as uneven and erratic. When it comes to normalization of relations between Serbia and Kosovo no progress was achieved, mostly due to elections and the inability to form the government in Pristina. Although there was change in legislation regarding civilian oversight of the security sector, the opportunity to systematically regulate this area was missed. The area of the fight against corruption witnessed partial progress with the adoption of new regulations, although the opportunity was missed to fulfil anti-corruption goals to a greater extent. In the area of the protection of women from gender-based violence, protection of children and protection of the victims of violence there was no further progress. In the migration and asylum policy areas no substantial progress was achieved. The same goes for the fight against human trafficking where there still exist numerous obstacles on the path towards full harmonization of domestic legal system with the European standards.

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Parliaments on a Special Mission : Oversight of Implementation of Special Investigative Measures

Author(s): Katarina Đokić / Language(s): English

Special Investigative Measures (SIM) are tools used by security and intelligence actors for criminal investigations and national security protection. These measures, characterized by their secretive nature, include activities like covert surveillance of communications, monitoring public and private spaces, and accessing personal data records. While essential for addressing modern security threats such as terrorism and organized crime, SIM pose significant risks to privacy and human rights, necessitating robust legal regulation and external oversight to prevent abuse. The oversight of SIM varies across European countries, with legislative and institutional frameworks designed to monitor their application. However, European guidelines like the Council of Europe’s 2005 recommendations and EU directives emphasize judicial or independent body oversight without explicitly requiring parliamentary involvement. These measures advocate for legislative controls, approval by judicial or independent bodies, and continued oversight during and after SIM implementation to safeguard against misuse. This paper reviews European practices in SIM oversight, focusing on trends and factors affecting effectiveness without delving into exhaustive classifications or analyses. It highlights the need for balancing security objectives with the protection of fundamental rights.

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Parliamentary Questions as a Mechanism for Oversight of the Security Sector

Author(s): Vladimir Erceg / Language(s): English

This document highlights the importance of tracking political party pledges to ensure democracy remains functional and accountable. Without such tracking, democracy risks being reduced to mere voter approval during elections, allowing political elites to focus solely on re-election strategies rather than serving the public will. Over time, this undermines democratic values and erodes confidence in institutions. The National Assembly of Serbia, as defined by the Constitution, is the supreme legislative body responsible for ensuring democratic checks and balances. It holds powers to oversee, control, and, if necessary, terminate the mandates of the government and individual ministers. This oversight is particularly crucial in the security sector due to its potential for power concentration, significant budget allocation, and its role in safeguarding citizens' rights. Parliament also serves as a critical intermediary between the public and executive power structures. The National Assembly employs several mechanisms to exercise its oversight role, including parliamentary questions, reports on government functioning, and interpellation. Parliamentary questions are a significant tool for scrutinizing government activities, particularly in the fields of security, defence, and internal affairs. These questions can address corruption and the management of resources within the security sector. An analysis of the eighth and ninth parliamentary terms (2008–2012) of Serbia's National Assembly reveals both the application and limitations of parliamentary questions in overseeing the executive. While this mechanism is widely used, shortcomings in its application were identified, prompting recommendations for improvement. The article underscores the necessity of enhancing these oversight tools to strengthen parliamentary control, especially in addressing corruption and ensuring transparency in the security sector.

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Special Measures for Covert Data Collection : oversight handbook

Author(s): Predrag Petrović,Saša Đorđević,Katarina Đokić,Jelena Pejić / Language(s): English

Wiretapping and tailing of suspects are the traditional mainstays of security service activity. However, the multiplication and growing complexity of security threats and risks, as well as development of technology and communications has led to an increase in the number and variety of techniques used to covertly gather data, such as secretly accessing people’s communications. Additionally, the number of government bodies and institutions implementing such measures has grown beyond the police and security services to include, for example, the Administration for the Prevention of Money Laundering and has also come to include private detective and investigative agencies. Today such measures are no longer applied only for preventative intelligence gathering but also in the course of criminal proceedings. The situation is further confounded by the fact that these activities are governed by a vast number of (unintegrated) regulations and by decreasing understanding of this field, both by the general public and by professionals. This is best illustrated by the fact that lawmakers use a variety of terms to define such measures in legislation: “special procedures and measures” (Law on the VBA and VOA), “special measures infringing on the privacy of correspondence and other communications” (Law on the BIA) and “special investigative activity” (Criminal Procedure Code).

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