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In order to successfully pursue its political interests in the WBSA, the EU needs first and foremost to develop close relations based on trust with all it partners in the WBSA. Shared values and a shared world view between like-minded states are crucial in this regard. The main challenge for the EU is to pursue the objective of democratizing the countries of the WBSA. Security is the second most important challenge which the EU faces in the WBSA, both in terms of addressing the ‘frozen conflicts’ (and other potential hotspots such as Crimea in Ukraine) which abound in the region and of constructing a stable security architecture. Similar to the challenge of democratisation, the logic goes that if the region is rid of its security problems, trade and economic cooperation will flourish and bring more prosperity to the EU and the region as a whole. The paper argues that by seriously addressing those two challenges (democratization and security) the EU may yet become an effective player in the WBSA.
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The purpose of the present study is to offer the reader a general view of the security strategy of the Czech Republic out of an evolutionary point of view. So rather than analysing in detail a specific security or military strategy we will focus on describing the development and evolution of the Czech Republic‘s defence strategies in the period after the “velvet revolution” till the adoption of the last military strategy in 2008.
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After it stayed for almost 50 years in the shadow of United States, Japan, due to the new threats to its security such as: the offensive nuclear program of North Korea and China’s remilitarization, as well as for the necessity of adapting to the new realities of contemporary international environment, have started to reconsider its security policy. By adopting a new legislation, the Japanese government allowed its SDF to engage in UN peacekeeping operations, to offer tactical support and fuel to the coalition forces in the war against terrorism from Afghanistan and even to participate to the human assistance and reconstruction of Irak. In the same time, through different stages of negociations, the US-Japan alliance acquired a new dimension through the expansion of the geographical areas and range of missions SDF can undertake. Also, by encouraging an active dialogue and security exchanges with its most important neighboroughs: China, South Korea and Russia, Japan tries to consolidate a safe regional environment in South-East Asia.
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September 11 terrorist attacks had an impact on many issues in international relations and international law. The matter of humanitarian intervention has also undergone substantial change and continued to evolve as the Global War on Terror continued. The first response of the United States was the intervention in Afghanistan, based on the natural right to defense defined in the UN Charter. The humanitarian intervention in Iraq that followed was guided by the principle of preemption, previously built into the U.S. National Security Strategy. It turned out that preemption wasn’t justified, however substantial reasons of a humanitarian nature remained for the intervention in Iraq. International law on humanitarian interventions continued to develop to a generally accepted principle of Responsibility to Protect (R2P), which, unfortunately, was not applied in Syria and led to an overall deterioration of the country.
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The European model of regional integration in the security field does not seem to be the model that is currently developing in Asia-Pacific, where institution-building is seen particularly as an instrument of hedging (especially by minor powers) or “soft balancing” among the major actors of the region. Bilateral and multilateral levels of regional security architecture work as a means for mutually countering or limiting influence. Moreover, most regional institutions have strongly developed security dimensions, which the EU and the US argue is due to a Chinese attempt at monopolizing security-provision in Asia-Pacific; this is a dangerous path that signals China’s pursuit of regional hegemony, a theory long advanced by both neorealists and many neoclassical realists. However interesting, this picture is not entirely accurate. Asia-Pacific’s security architecture is that of a power transition-period, a transition marked by foameting instability, uncertainty and the implicit question: will there be a peaceful transition of power? The forces that shape the security environment in the Asia-Pacific (unlike the economic ones) rest less on its current situation and more on the expectations of all actors involved regarding their evolution as well as that of their opponents and partners throughout the next 20-25 years. China is clearly perceived as a long-term threat by all the states in the region – including its own satellites, the DPRK and Myanmar. But the perception of Beijing as long-term threat creates a perverse effect within regional politics that allows the involved states to pursue policies enhancing their own short-term interests while inquiring for the best manner in which to respond to this Chinese threat. The Chinese and the US’ regional polices are key to building the regional security architecture in Asia-Pacific and we are recently seeing significant shifts in this sense.
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The author examines the neorealist systemic theory of K. Waltz and applies it to the „small powers” in order to understand their behavior in an anarchic environment.
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The security sector reform started in the absence of formal security guarantees, but it did benefit from an internal continuity and external assistance, from NATO and EU. The process generated the creation and development of new capabilities, adapted to accomplish these new tasks, in a security environment characterized by new security risks and threats. The military reform has as its main goal to build modern Armed Forces, mobile and flexible, expeditionary, with high combat capacity, NATO interoperable and capable to deter and counter an armed aggression against Romania and its allies. The main result of the Romanian Armed Forces transformation will be represented by the simultaneous ensure the defense of the national territory by means of a military response to any aggression and to support the civil authorities in case of emergencies, natural disasters, NRBC events etc.
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The author believes that the Romanian legal framework of national security could be the source of confusions and misinterpretations for defence and security concepts such as defence planning. Taking into account several layers considered, the planning is a process with different connotations. It could be a political process, a tool for ordering the activities in a logical way or a resource allocation process. The implementation of Planning, Programming, Budgeting and Evaluation Process has been a leap forward in defence management due to this layout of planning on several levels as well as its irreversibility. Experts working within defence system could amend the legislation incoherence of security framework. Despite some elements of incoherence at the top of the system, the defence planning process goes forward. It should be highlighted the necessity and opportunity of keeping these stages in the defence planning process.
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The national security strategies of Argentina, Brazil and Chile are documents released by observing a geopolitical and realistic vision on the security environment and international relations system. An analysis developed by political and military decision factors identifies the main characteristics of the international security environment, with a particular interest in the regional South American one. The security threats and risks are common with those of different geopolitical regions of the world. Same approach could be made with regards to the national interests, vulnerabilities, and strategies of action or available resources. Specific features arise from the totalitarian experience, as well as from its heritage reflected on the social life of the three states. The documents are extremely large in two cases, namely Argentina and Chile. The national defense policy of Brazil is similar to the European security strategies or the North American ones and focused on specific action lines and objectives with a preference to regulate other aspects by law. Again, the difference concerns the intensity and dimensions of the heritage of military totalitarian experience, as well as the role and status of armed forces in the nowadays-social life of the mentioned states.
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The traditional approach of international relations, centered around the realist paradigm of Power Politics is being questioned by new approaches like constructivism or post-structuralism. Concepts like sovereignty, security or identity are reexamined and new questions are being raised: what happens with the centrality of the state in a new environment governed by the logic of globalization and interdependency? what happens with the traditional logic of security, now that we are confronted with new and uncommon threats? how are we to respond to the immigrants, now that geographical boundaries no longer bound? This paper focuses on the concept of security, as understood by Ole Wæver, a member of the Copenhagen School of Security Studies and examines it as a construct, rather a process than something a priori given. It does not suffice to identify a threat, but one should understand why and how certain issues become security problems. Should we treat them in terms of security or rather in terms of risk management? This kind of critical approach, by stressing on the importance of the implications of such a decision, promotes the concept of de-securization, or to use the mainstream formula, preventive security, or risk management.
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M.Hakan Yavuz, Bayram Balci „TURKEY ́S JULY 15TH COUP: WHAT HAPPENED AND WHY“The University of Utah Press, 2018
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The author explores some of the most insidious aspects related to global security, as basic factor for the New International Order, being currently under construction. Purposely, he structured a way to set a common denominator of spotting the evolving risks, or preventing them to grow into emerging international security threats. The Concept of “Procedural Interoperability” has been proposed by the author in previous debates concerning the future of Euroatlantic Security Architecture, starting the year 2003. It makes sense in the global context, when security cannot be dealt exclusively with the specific means of the 20th Century. In order to make the reactions to global security challenges more efficient, there is a need to offer a networked set of means and ways to oppose them, preparing better the International Community for the 21st Century. The global actors, big or small, powerful or weak, have to consider, from now on, a wide spectrum of risk-factors, not only the International Terrorism, in order to make their policies compatible with the global security environment, and their strategies- coherent and credible.
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The present study takes into consideration one of the main themes that influences the academic debates regarding international security> the influence of the globalization process on the international security features in the 21st century. This study also presents the different paradigms of security during different ages (e.g. the Cold War and the post-Cold War era) in an attempt to emphasize the changes and adaptations that the modern security faces during the era of globalization> the occurrence of new international actors, the reforming of the security agenda and the threat imposed by new security risks – global climate changes, identity and cultural conflicts, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and economic based conflicts.
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Revived by the Bush administration after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the anti-missile defense system, although controversial, appears to be more justified today than in the middle of the last century. This Paper targets an analysis of the reasons and complexity of international security environment that led to an effective systematization of the anti-missile defense concept and its unprecedented geographical extension. The last evolutions of missile defense in Europe are highlighted with a focus on the NATO’s support and the results of the NATO Summit in Bucharest where the allies agreed upon the nature of threat, as well as the feasibility of anti-missile defense and the principle of security indivisibility. The main conclusions of the Paper stress the unquestionable utility of such a system in a world characterized by an increasing nuclear proliferation phenomenon where countering nuclear terrorist attacks is the key of a secure and safe international order.
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For the European Union as a political and strategic player, the access to natural energy resources is vital for the economic development and the well-fare of the populations. EU wants to set up energy partnerships with its main neighbors, especially with Russia, the country which provides the bulk of the natural gas and oil importations. But because Russia does not seem to always be a reliable partner, EU has to find alternative sources of energy, also trying to limit the pollution of the environment. Only when EU will manage to speak with “one voice” in the realm of energy and will convince Moscow that there is interdependency between EU and Russia, not a relation based on European dependency, there could be mutually advantageous relations for both of them.
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Due to the convenient geopolitical location, Black Sea Region is one of the most important areas in the world and plays an extremely important role in the modern global security affairs. As it is known, the fundamental changes on the political map of the region occurred at the end of 80s and the beginning of 90s of the last century, which was interrelated with the political changes in eastern Europe and post-soviet space, such as democratic transitions in Romania and Bulgaria, disintegration of the USSR and gaining the national independence by the former soviet republics from the greater Black Sea region - Russian Federation, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan. Today each state of the region has its own foreign policy and national security priorities.
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This paper is focused on making a comparative analysis of the Conceptions of the national security of the Republic of Moldova, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, taking into account the influence of external and internal factors which all led to different or similar approaches in the realm of security. The comparative analysis takes into consideration the influence of those factors regarding the approaches on security visà-vis the so-called frozen conflicts (in Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorno-Karabakh).
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This presentation has been displayed during the Crisis Management and Conflict Prevention Seminar, Brașov, Romania, 13-17 May 2008. It expresses the author’s personal views and it does not imply the institution of which he is part of.
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The wahabit terrorism appeared as a hazardous expedient of the Chechen people to resist the pressures of Russia. For them, it’s all about a necessary struggle for survival against a powerful aggressor that lasts for ages. From the Russian perspective, the territory from the Northern Caucasus represents a strategic interest and a matter of international image. The conflict augmented because of the inflexibility on both sides. In this case, the building site of a nation is in process right before the eyes of historians.
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