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The author makes an attempt to interpret the Reformation events in Słupsk. The scholars reconstructed the religious changes from the end of 1524 to the end of the 1530s in Słupsk in a similar way, but they differed in the interpretation of those events. The author of the article found the source which hitherto had not been exploited. It comes from the resources stored in the Archive of Szczecin’s Dukes in Szczecin. The author maintains that it was in 1521 that the Reformation ideas appeared in Słupsk. Their initiator was the monk from Białobok – Christian Ketelhut. Next, the article addresses the activity of the first advocates and opponents of the Reformation in Słupsk. In the years 1524–1525 social unrest took place. The organizer of the religious tumult was Johannes Amandus, who had arrived from Konigsberg. The significance of his activity arises a great deal of debate. The author underlines the fact that Amandus talked with the old city council about the introduction of the new religion – not with the new Civil Committee. There is no evidence that the Civil Committee was active in this field. Participants of the tumult of the end of December 1524 committed iconoclasm in Our Lady’s Church and burnt down the Dominican church. It was not until the Pomeranian duke’s intervention and his regulations introduced in mid-1525 that the situation in the city stabilized. The Civil Committee was dissolved; the authority returned to the old city council, and the duke ordered that one preacher be chosen. The act of 25 November 1525 allowed to establish the Lutheran commune formally. Its parson became a Jacob Hogense. The article presents the process of the gradual taking over of various church institutions by the Evangelicals. It was a quite prolonged process. Catholic religious life functioned in Słupsk without major disturbances until 1537, and it is hard to talk about the extinction of the Catholicism in Słupsk after 1525. In the city there dominated two denominations. In 1539 the canon Natzmer was made to leave the parsonage of Słupsk. From 1535 it was the convent of the Norbertines in Słupsk that constituted the spiritual and material support for Catholic clergymen in Słupsk.
More...Kilka uwag na marginesie ustaleń Józefa Maroszka
A quarter of a year ago the regional journal Białostocczyzna [Białystok Land], issued under the auspices of the Scientific Society in Białystok, there was published an article written by Józef Maroszek titled Sentimental Vocluse park near Białystok set up in 1767. The author of the publication put forward theses concerning not only the garden itself, but also Gotski House [Dom Gotski] situated in the park. Nowadays, there are no remains of the building erected over a spring which ejected water from below the house, nor after the whole garden complex referred to as Bażantarnia. Nevertheless, the pavilion seems to play a major role in the history of Polish art as it constituted the early sign of interest in Neo-Gothicism. Perhaps it would not make sense to some back to the old findings but for the fact that they have appeared in the Internet and are not free from mistakes: the castellan of Cracow Jan Klemens Branicki (1689–1771) had nothing to do with Dom Gotski in Bażantarnia, which was built many years after his death. Dom Gotski in Bażantarnia was constructed at the beginning of the second half of the 1780s upon the foundation of the widow of the Cracow castellan – Izabela Branicka née Poniatowska (1730–1808). The designer remains unknown, but the style of the work may indicate that the building was designed by the architect Szymon Bogumił Zuga (1733–1807), specializing in garden constructions. The idea of the Białystok park referred to the tradition connected with the retreat where the Italian poet Francesco Petrarka, the author of Sonnets for Laura used to spend his time. The analogy was found and exposed in the poem Na Wokluz, wody i dom gotski pod Białymstokiem by the Polish sentimental poet Franciszek Karpiński (1741–1825), who was a friend of Branicka’s and frequently visited the Versailles of Podlasie. Dom Gotski, which played the role of a bath, constituted a picturesque element of the garden complex. It was to be the temple of “thinking” allowing the thinker to reflect on the human condition. It was also the site of the homage to the benevolence of Izabela Branicka. The Neo-Gothic form of the building contributed to the popularization of this “ancient”, but at the same time modern style. It might affect the preferences of concrete people who had an opportunity to spend time in Białystok, the example of which are the drawing by Anna Potocka-Wąsowiczowa née Tyszkiewicz (1779–1867). The article written by Józef Maroszek, which was the main reason for starting the debate and formulating totally different theses, may constitute a model of how not to write a scientific article. The fact of the author’s referring to written and iconographic sources ostensibly gives it the reliability, but the conclusions made on the basis of cursorily read and examined sources reveal that all the conclusions were drawn not exactly on their grounds and were exclusively the subjective projection of the author’s vision. He did not make an effort to verify and compare documents, to analyse and confront facts, or to look closely at the people participating in the above mentioned event, which should be the foundation for any reliable research activity. The failure to follow the above mentioned rules led to a number of interpretation mistakes, which do not allow us to defend neither the details nor the general idea of the article.
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Medieval Livonia and its town life were created in the 12th and 13th centuries as a result of crusading conquests. Livonian urban elites immigrated mostly from German lands. A small number of people of indigenous origin were also integrated into the emerging merchant class. Besides merchants who settled down in Riga, Tallinn, Tartu, or in other towns in the region, travelling merchants from the western part of the forming Hanseatic area played an important role in the urban life and even in the urban administration. On the basis of anthroponyms and geographical identifications of medieval townspeople, the author of the article argues that the migration patterns were not limited to immigration from Germany to Livonia. The social and spatial integration of this region resulted from multiple ways of travelling and relocation: people also returned to Germany or remained simultaneously connected to several places and sometimes remained permanently mobile. Early Livonian merchants could also be mobile within the area including minor towns and even rural places. Not only the “Germans”, but also people of native origin were involved in these movements. The family networks in particular supported multiple spatial identifications. An economically active person could have many places of identification; moving from one town to another during a lifetime was the rule, not an exception. However, the existing network of family and kinship relations, which provided trustworthy partners in the vast area from Westphalia to Livonia, was probably one of the main factors which made German merchants enjoy an advantage over their Scandinavian and Livonian native counterparts.
More...Wokół wizualności pieczęci miejskich z terenu Prus
The visuality of the seal, as expressed in the title of the article, should be understood as a collection of stamp elements received by means of wax. Consequently, they will include not only the image of the seal and the caption, but also the shape, size and colour of the wax in which the imprint was made. All those elements can transfer important information from the point of view of the owner, expressing their individuality. Two groups of factors have had an impact on the visuality of the seal: legal and cultural factors. The first group of factors defined the sigillographical system of the owner, but they could also indicate the circle of persons deciding on the shape of a particular seal, or they could directly refer to the form of imprints. The second groups of factors influenced the shape of the message on the seal recorded in both the verbal sphere, iconography and in the form of prints. Among the city seals from the area of Prussia, round seals prevail; their diameters range from 80 to 30 mm. They were usually imprinted in natural wax, green or, less often, black. Only Gdańsk and Toruń were allowed to use red wax under the special privileges granted by the monarchs. Captions included in the seal were usually formulated in Latin, although the names of towns were usually written in German despite the existence of their Latin counterparts. Imaginary ideas, in the context of the typology proposed by Toni Diederich, mostly represented the symbolic type, although a significant percentage of them constituted the canting arms and coats of arms. Other types appear less often. However, the complexity and ambiguity of messages written on the seal by means of images means that any attempt to include them in the typology framework results in the simplification of interpretation. That is why, the research of city seals based on the assumption that they represent the urban self-awareness – the sign of the center’s identity (Brigitte Miriam Bedos-Rezak) becomes more and more significant. In this context, information provided by the visual side of the seal can be reduced to three sets of messages: presenting the city as a topographic space, presenting the city as a social space and presenting the city’s relations with the surroundings. The name of the city determined the town’s definition as a settlement point, which we encounter in legends, but also the notions of canting arms frequently found in Prussia (e.g. Sepopol, Orneta, Allenburg). Seals with the images of walls and urban buildings (e.g. Malbork, Cynty, Toruń) showed the city as an organized space. Paradoxically, the images of wild animals, extremely popular in Prussia, which combined with the legend identifying the owner as a city, showed what the city was not. It is in the seal’s legends that we find the most frequent reference to the city as a social space. Determining the main seals as sigillum civitatis, burgensium, civium, Borger, indicates that the owner of the seal maker was the community of residents. The language of the caption indicates the cultural embedding of the commune. In turn, the size and material of the print inform about the real significance of the center, or about the aspirations of its inhabitants. In connection with the legend, it sometimes brings information about the place occupied by the seal in the urban sigillographic system, which is often derived from the structure of municipal authorities. The images shown on the seal, in turn, refer to the devotion of the commune (e.g. Brodnica), or professions of its residents (e.g. Pieniężno, Młynary, Elbląg, Gdańsk). Through the images representing the city walls or the arms, they finally illustrate the readiness of the inhabitants to defend themselves (e.g .Toruń, Malbork), or they indicate that the urban community had its defender (Chełmno, Pasłęk?). Many of the seal’s images from the Prussian region refer to the city’s relationship with the broadly understood surroundings. By showing the coats of arms (Bisztynek, Malbork), symbols (Toruń, Gardeja, Lidzbark Wamiński), or insignia or attributes (e.g. Reszel, Barczewo, Fischhausen) of a land master or his representative, the seal indicated the owner of the center. In this context, particularly interesting, but also poorly recognized are the links between the iconography of city seals and the images of the seals of the Teutonic officials (e.g. Święta Siekierka, Górowo Iławckie, Radzyń Chełmiński). Finally, the hagiographic seals indicate the relations of the urban community with the supernatural world (Frombork, Pieniężno, Sztum, Gierdawy, and Toruń). The example of the Frombork seal shows that all these meanings can interpenetrate, contributing the creation of a complex image of the city represented on the seal.
More...Klasztor katarzynek w Krokach w XVIII wieku
The Samogitian bishop Jerzy Tyszkiewicz founded the Convent of St. Catherine in Krakės in 1645. The research on St. Catherine’s Sisters in the 18th century has received the least attention from researchers. On the basis of manuscripts and published sources, the article discusses the attitude of the Samogitian bishops towards St. Catherine’s Sisters; it provides data about the material situation of the convent and the church, the relations of St. Catherine’s sisters with the community, and directions of piety. In addition, the research on the collective biography of St. Catherine’s Sisters has been carried out. The research has revealed that the community of St. Catherine’s Sisters in Krakės was relatively small; at a certain point, it consisted of 12 nuns of noble origin from Samogitia and the neighbouring territories. Some information has been found about 48 nuns who gave eternal vows in 1680–1797. They lived and prayed in a wooden church built in 1692 and a wooden convent built in 1722. In the Church of St. Trinity and St. Catherine, Virgin and Martyr, there were six altars; the convent consisted of 15 cells, a refectory, a parlatorium, and an infirmary. The main sources of material livelihood of St. Catherine’s Sisters in Krakės were donations of the Samogitian bishops and the nobility and dowries of the novices; however, the convent was not rich. Even though St. Catherine’s Sisters in Krakės adopted the regulation of the Congregation of St. Catherine of Alexandria, Virgin and Martyr, in 1673, they developed independently and established local traditions; for instance, at some point they followed a strict clausura, which limited their possibilities to carry out apostolic activities behind the walls of the convent. St. Catherine’s Sisters focused on the education of children (especially orphans) and performed caritative functions. In addition to the prayers indicated in the regulation of St. Catherine’s Sisters, the nuns in Krakės prayed the Liturgy of the Hours of the Blessed Virgin Mary’s Immaculate Conception, the Stations of the Cross, and other prayers. They also took care of the Fraternity of St. Barbara and Holy Mary Scapular, which operated at the convent.
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The classic administration of Prussian absolutism was the work of Friedrich Wilhelm I and his son Frederick II. The first one was its organizer, and the latter not only dealt with its organization, but also used it pragmatically in achieving his goals. One of such activities of Frederick II at the time of rebuilding the state after the Seven Years’ War was the creation of a deputation of war and treasury chambers, which were to relieve the war and treasury chambers in vast departments (provinces). Their prototype was the deputation in Gąbno (Gumbinnen), operating in the years 1724–1736 in the Lithuanian districts of the province of Prussia. Frederick II founded the first deputation in Koszalin in 1764 for the eastern district of the Pomeranian province (counties, estates, cities east of the Parsęta River). It was to deal with the improvement of the economic condition of Pomerania, which had been severely damaged during the Russian occupation during the war, and was also an economically neglected area. Other such facilities were created e.g. in Hamm (Mark – Westphalia), Stendal (Altmark) and Bydgoszcz (Noteć Oblast). The office in Koszalin – like every chamber and chamber deputation – operated on the basis of its own organizational instructions. Its tasks included the administration of the designated district; the police supervision; the economic development of the region; the administration of royal estates; tax administration along with public, sanitary and fire safety; construction in cities and in rural areas. In addition, the deputation dealt with court cases in the areas of police and tax, economy, administration and politics. Deputations, like chambers, were collegiate offices, where decisions were made at the meetings of the board consisting of the director, chamber advisors and tax advisors. Initially, the deputation board in Koszalin had 5 members, including the director Carl Wilhelm von Bessel. However, as early as 1771 the board consisted of 8 officials. The division of competences among officials was substantive and territorial, which was characteristic of war and treasury chambers. However, the office’s activity did not live up to the expectations, which was indicated shortly after the death of Frederick II by officials of the General Directory in Berlin, who submitted to Friedrich Wilhelm II a request to liquidate the Koszalin deputation and to incorporate the it again into the chamber in Szczecin. The deputation of the Military and Treasury Chamber in Koszalin ceased operations in May 1787. In time, the Prussian authorities also liquidated some of the other deputations of chambers, including the one in Stendal or Lingen, while the deputation in Hamm was transformed into an independent chamber.
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The main purpose of the presented text is an attempt to demonstrate the usefulness of the registers of outlaws established in late medieval Prussian cities for the research on the issue of the presence of violence in the everyday life of Prussia’s inhabitants. The primary sources used in the article consisted of preserved registers from Prussian cities governed according to the rules of the Chełmno law (Bartoszyce, Chełmno, the New Town of Toruń) or the Lübeck law (the Old Town of Braniewo, Elbląg). The starting point for further analysis was the discussion of the basic differences between proscription (administrative coercion and procedural measure, aimed at forcing the accused to appear before the court) and banishment (temporary or lifelong exile from a specific territory). What the author also addresses in the text is the question: how the proscription, by the virtue of the Lübeck law, acquired a much more repressive character (exhibiting features typical of punishment). Subsequently, the characteristics of the preserved Prussian registers of outlaws (14th–16th centuries) were analyzed in terms of their usefulness for research. Attention was drawn to the shortcomings of these primary sources, primarily to their incompleteness (to a greater or lesser extent); the reasons for this situation were presented as well. Given these shortcomings, an attempt was made to demonstrate the usefulness of the preserved registers in historical investigations. It was pointed out that they could be used for research, e.g. on the origins of conflicts among specific socio-professional groups, the character of women’s participation in acts of violence, or the attitude of municipal authorities towards cases of violence against representatives of the social margin. The article also refers to forms of verbal aggression and physical violence, also with the use of dangerous tools.
More...Przyczynek do badań nad kobietami z kręgów magnackich Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego
The article aims to show the character of Anna Radziwiłł née Mycielska, the second wife of Michał Kazimierz Radziwiłł ‘Rybeńko’ in the light of her correspondence. The proposed approach focuses on changes in her personality taking place at key moments in her life. The source basis are letters from the Voivode of Vilnius to her husband kept in the Central Archives of Historical Records in Warsaw. The authors of this paper made an attempt to present Anna Radziwiłł from the perspective of her roles: wife, mother, and woman.
More...From the Union of Two States to the Commonwealth of Three Provinces
The aim of the article is to present changes in the position of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania towards the Polish Crown within the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the years 1569–1791. The analysis was based on the transformation of both common (monarch, Sejm) and separate (central and local offices, judicial system and law) institutions in the context of economic, social and cultural changes of the era. Gradually, the Commonwealth was transforming into a state in which Lithuania was not so much one of its two parts – along with the Crown, but one of its three provinces – along with Lesser Poland and Greater Poland. It was, however, a special province since it had its own ministers, offices, courts, treasury and fiscal courts along with its own codification of political and private law. The rule introduced in 1673 that every third Sejm was to be held in Grodno, however, was rarely observed. The reasons for this change were: the smaller population of the Grand Duchy, its lower fiscal income along with the war damage and territorial losses suffered in the mid-17th century. This transformation was also facilitated by the fact that the Lithuanian political system and laws became increasingly similar to the Polish ones. Another factor was the slow creation of a sense of political community among nobles of both the Crown and Lithuania. This feeling was born not only out of the same rights and privileges, but also owing to the immigration of the Crown noblemen to the lands of the Grand Duchy and joining – by marriage – Lithuanian noble families, which was especially the case among magnate families. During this period, the common culture of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth based on the Polish language – lingua franca of the whole state – was also created. Other languages also functioned in the Polish- -Lithuanian state, but Polish, enriched by Lithuanian, Ruthenian, Latin, German and Oriental elements, began to dominate. The Government Act of 3 May 1791 did not mention the Grand Duchy at all, but created a common government for the whole of Commonwealth – the Guard of Laws and Great Commissions. Mutual Pledge of the Two Nations, unanimously adopted on 20 October 1791, constituted an attempt to return to the dualism from the era of the Union of Lublin. This act granted Lithuanians half of the commissioners in the military and fiscal commissions and – in the future – in the police commission. Lithuania also retained separate ministers, offices, a separate treasury and tax judiciary. Thus, the gradual unification of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was still visible, while maintaining some separate aspects, which were important for Lithuanians, albeit secondary in the scale of the entire state. Nevertheless, this process was interrupted by the upcoming partitions.
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For a long time, historiography was dominated by a dualistic view on what had happened at the Sejm of Lublin in 1569. Thus, when describing the conclusion of the Union of Lublin, scholars focused on the Polish-Lithuanian dispute and the decisive role of King Sigismund Augustus in signing the agreement in Lublin. Recently, however, there have appeared publications highlighting the important role in the conclusion of the Lublin Union played by the Ruthenian nobility and noble representatives of the lands incorporated into the Polish Crown in 1569, that is Volhynia, eastern Podolia (Bracław Land) and the region of Kiev. The article sums up the existing knowledge on this subject, stressing the fact of the separate interests of the Ruthenian magnates, especially from Volhynia – where many well-known princely families had their family nests – in comparison to the Lithuanian magnates on the eve of the conclusion of the Union of Lublin. It facilitated the decision of the Ruthenian nobles to support not only the union itself, but also the incorporation of the above-mentioned provinces into the Polish Crown. Also thanks to this attitude of the princes and noblemen of Volhynia, Bracław Land and the region of Kiev, these areas gained relatively broad autonomy allowing them to preserve their cultural identity. There is no doubt, however, that the Union of Lublin accelerated the process of Polonization of these lands to some extent, although the process had begun well before 1569. Another important event from the point of view of maintaining the cultural identity of these provinces was the conclusion of the Union of Brest (1595–1596), as a result of which – upon the decision of most Orthodox bishops of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth – the Kiev metropolitanate became subordinated to the Holy See. On the one hand, the majority of Ruthenian nobility from the aforementioned provinces reacted in defense of the Orthodox faith, and to some extent also of the Ruthenian region, which stimulated them to strengthen their identity. In this context, noble tribunes of Ruthenian origin, such as Adam Kisiel, and Orthodox polemic writers, such as Melecjusz Smotrycki (who later became a member of the Uniate Church), began to indicate the existence of a separate Ruthenian nation, also pointing to its different features and de facto forming the foundations of its historical tradition. Zaporizhian Cossacks, who consistently defended the Orthodox faith, also joined the process to some extent. On the other hand, in the long run, the Union of Brest led to the Catholicization of local noblemen. Most of Ruthenian nobles eventually converted to the Roman Catholic denomination. However, the fact that the Uniate Church existed might have led to the situation that at least some of the Ruthenian nobles remained in the Ruthenian cultural circle even in the 18th and 19th centuries. Meanwhile, in the 17th century the role of the Ruthenian language tended to decrease in the above-mentioned territories, as it was the case in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In the second half of the 17th century the Ruthenian language ceased to be the official language for the benefit of the Polish language.
More...Daniel Gödtke, Gerard Blaes i zootomia
The case study article aims to reconstruct the biography of Daniel Gödtke (1640/41 – after 1674), a doctor of philosophy and medicine from Gdansk and to analyse the specific nature and scope of his studies in the United Provinces of the Netherlands, so that it can be explained what impact study visits in academic centres had on students from the semiperipheral European countries. The article makes use of the inductive, philological, genealogical and comparative methods; evidential paradigm was also used. In the 1650s, 1660s and 1670s, the inhabitants of Royal Prussia willingly took up medical studies at Dutch universities and studied in academic gymnasia there. Leiden, Amsterdam and other places in the Northern Netherlands, which were home for famous anatomists, surgeons, lithotomists, chymiatrists, collectors and botanists, were also important stops en route of young students of ars medica from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, mainly Protestants, who later became graduates of French, Swiss or German universities. Daniel Gödtke, the half-brother of the painter Daniel Schultz the Younger, was one of the seventeenth-century doctors of philosophy and medicine from Gdansk who has been forgotten by contemporary history. He studied at the University of Leiden and the Athenaeum Illustre of Amsterdam, and in 1671 graduated from the University of Harderwijk; his inaugural dispute focused on practical medicine. His most influential teacher during his stay in the Northern Netherlands was Gerard Blaes, a famous anatomist and chymiatrist, who supervised Gödtke when he conducted his zootomy research. The cooperation between the student and the master resulted in two exercitii gratia disputes presented by Gödtke in Amsterdam in 1666, as well as two volumes of anatomical observations conducted by the collegium privatum Amstelodamense (1667 and 1674), where Gödtke was a member and a participant. The promising scientific career of Gödtke was interrupted before his return to his hometown, most probably due to his premature death.
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The article addresses the original function of the matroneum in the former Franciscan Church of the Assumption of the Holy Virgin Mary in Torun. These remarks are the result of the latest discoveries and technological research. The matroneum, situated above the cloister in the northern nave of the church, was built during the reconstruction of the church to its present form. Based on a dendrochronological examination, the matroneum was secured with a wooden railing in the 1350s and later. Due to a lack of written sources, the functions of the matroneum are not determined in scholarly publications. It may have been used as an oratory for friars. The authors analyse the architectural shape of the matroneum, take into account its original communication with the church and monastery and the remains of its furnishing. The study of the architectonic structure and the staircase that now leads from the nave to the matroneum allows to determine that it was constructed only in the eighteenth century. In the Middle Ages, the matroneum was connected to the monastery through a passage that is now bricked up, and to the ground floor of the church it was connected through an older, thirteenth-century staircase tower. A convenient, direct communication between the matroneum and the dormitory, the fact that the monastery was not directly connected to the presbytery, and the fact that the church choir was rebuilt at the end of the fourteenth century reinforce the theory that the matroneum was used for liturgical purposes. The authors also discuss the previously unknown polychrome relics inside the matroneum. These are, respectively, a relic of a fourteenth-century heraldic representation with the head of an ox and a remnant of a figural scene on the northern wall from the last quarter of the fourteenth century. Both paintings have been subjected to in-depth research, including non-destructive methods (XRF, UV and IR). The first of the paintings, probably the coat of arms of a burgher family, may be a proof that the laymen had access to the interior of the matroneum. The second painting reinforces the assumption of the authors regarding the liturgical use of this place.
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The early modern goldsmithery in Chojnice (Konitz) has so far been outside the main area of scholarly research. The search in archives and libraries conducted for the purposes of the article, as well as the analysis of preserved works crafted by local masters, has therefore brought a lot of new, previously unknown information on the subject. Chojnice is a typical, small centre of goldsmithery, which remained overshadowed by Gdansk, a powerful hub of crafts located nearby. For nearly whole of the eighteenth century only a single workshop operated in the town, and a new master usually appeared only after the death of his predecessor. The research yielded information about five goldsmiths operating in Chojnice in that century, as well as one apprentice who died before becoming a master. Nearly all of them were connected by various family ties. Only a few works of art created in the Chojnice workshops were identified, but they bear the signatures of only two masters who were active in the last third of the eighteenth century. Johann Friedrich Felsch I (1744–1808) made several items for the churches nearby: an incense boat in Chojnice, a monstrance in Bysław, a monstrance base in Wiele and a reliquary cross in Tuchola, as well as a set of six spoons, currently stored in the collection of the Malbork Castle Museum. It is worth noting that his works, apart from the master’s mark, bore a sign that proved he was a member of the guild of goldsmiths in Malbork. Johann Gottlieb Jantzen (1742–1772), Felsch’s brother-in-law, delivered a monstrance to the church in Jeleńcz (now in Tuchola), and a frame for the worshipped statue of the Blessed Virgin Mary to the Bernardine Church in Zamarte (now missing). All these items represent an average level of artistry, and show considerable dependence on the style developed by the masters from Gdansk, where both goldsmiths active in Chojnice studied their craft.
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