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Ukrainian economy overshadowed by war
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Ukrainian economy overshadowed by war

Author(s): Tadeusz Iwański / Language(s): English

Ukraine’s financial results over the past few months prove that the economic crisis which has been ongoing since mid 2012 has exacerbated. According to data from the Ukrainian Ministry of Economy, Gross Domestic Product for the first six months of 2014 shrank by 3%. In the second quarter, it fell by 4.6%[1] and may further be reduced by as much as 8–10% over the year as a whole. After the first six months of this year, the balance of payments deficit reached US$4.3 billion. After deflation last year, prices grew by 12%, and the hryvnia dropped to a historic low. Although a surplus was seen in Ukrainian foreign trade in goods and services, reaching over US$3 billion at the end of June, its trade volume is shrinking. The main reason behind this deteriorating situation is the actions taken by Russia. Moscow has been fomenting the conflict in Donbas since April, has consistently imposed embargoes on imports of more and more Ukrainian goods and cut gas supplies to Ukraine in June. This has forced the government to focus on the current management of state finances and to carry out budget sequestration twice this year. The government has also used this as an excuse not to implement necessary systemic reforms. The increasing share of military expenditure, the shrinking exports (-5% in the first six months), including in particular to Russia, which until recently was Ukraine’s key trade partner, and the rapid fall in industrial production and investments have all made the situation even worse. All that saves Ukraine from an economic collapse is the loan from the International Monetary Fund and higher taxes, which allows the government to maintain budget liquidity. However, if the conflict in Donbas lasts longer and if Russia continues its economic blackmail, including withholding gas supplies, the economic crisis may prove to be long-lasting.

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Crimean Tatars after Russia’s annexation of the Crimean Peninsula
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Crimean Tatars after Russia’s annexation of the Crimean Peninsula

Author(s): Tadeusz A. Olszański / Language(s): English

After Russia’s annexation of Crimea, Crimean Tatars face the necessity of working out a modus vivendi to cope with the difficult situation which now confronts them. On the one hand, the desire to remain in their homeland, which they regained after exile in Soviet times, is an imperative encouraging them to accept the status quo, while on the other, the fear of Russia and the strong relations of Crimean Tatar elites with Kyiv would favour opposing the present state of affairs. Another fact pointing in favour of an agreement with Moscow is that Kyiv has not attempted to defend Crimea and has not been active in demanding its return to Ukraine, which has undermined Kyiv’s authority in the eyes of the Tatars. Therefore, the leaders of the Mejlis of Crimean Tatars (the national self-government) act carefully, trying to avoid actions which could be seen as provocative and thus liable to incite retribution. It could be expected that this course of action will continue, although it faces ever greater difficulties in the context of the Russian authorities’ adoption of a strongly anti-Tatar policy, which is likely to evoke more radical attitudes among the Crimean Tatars.

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Euro 2012 – Ukraine’s wasted opportunity?
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Euro 2012 – Ukraine’s wasted opportunity?

Author(s): Sławomir Matuszak,Tadeusz A. Olszański / Language(s): English

Ukraine saw hosting the European Football Championship as an important project in terms of image-building and modernisation from the very beginning. The country’s government assumed, during the presidency of Viktor Yushchenko and Viktor Yanukovych alike, that Euro 2012 would provide a major impulse for economic development and show that the young Ukrainian state was capable of successfully preparing one of the most important sport tournaments in the world. Although UEFA’s decision raised eyebrows both in the West and in Ukraine, after initial delays the work gained momentum and, shortly before the championship, Ukraine’s progress could be evaluated as being satisfactory at the least. As part of the preparations, four stadiums were built or modernised, four airports in the host cities were developed and 1,600 km of roads were repaired or built from the ground up. The investments have doubtlessly contributed to an improvement of the infrastructure in Ukraine, but it would be rather inaccurate to say that Euro 2012 has brought about a real modernisation of the country. The funds allocated for the preparations were relatively modest, and part of them was spent in a non-transparent way, which gives rise to suspicions of corruption.

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European Neighbourhood Policy Package – Conclusions for the Eastern Partners
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European Neighbourhood Policy Package – Conclusions for the Eastern Partners

Author(s): Rafał Sadowski / Language(s): English

In 2011 the European Union began a process aimed at reforming its policy on the Eastern and Southern Neighbourhood. The change in circumstances in neighbouring countries following the Arab Spring, along with the lack of significant progress regarding Eastern Europe’s integration with the EU, formed the main driving force behind this process.The prime objective of the changes to the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) was the need to introduce new incentives for partner countries to modernise and integrate more closely with the EU Another aim was to increase the flexibility of EU instruments (by adapting them to the specific context of each partner state). One year later, on 15 May 2012, the European Commission and the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy published the European Neighbourhood Policy Package which reported on the progress made in the implementation of the ENP over the preceding year and set out the aims and Action Plans for 2013.

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The ENP in practice - the European Union's policy towards Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova one year after the publication of the Strategy Paper

The ENP in practice - the European Union's policy towards Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova one year after the publication of the Strategy Paper

Author(s): Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz / Language(s): English,Polish

1. Clear qualitative changes have taken place in relations between the European Union and its Eastern neighbours over the past year. The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) has been playing a significant part in the context of these changes. In the cases of Moldova and Ukraine, which are the countries interested in enhancing co-operation with the EU, the ENP has provided a formula that allows taking steps to implement this objective. The ENP has also contributed to "outlining an alternative" to Belarus' current self-isolation. However, the ENP has first of all given a clear message to Russia by specifying the EU's interests and objectives concerning Eastern Europe. The ENP has clearly stated that the EU wants to build democracy and a free market in those countries, and has signalled that the European Union intends to discuss the issues concerning the countries directly with them, and not through Moscow's offices.2. The main shortcoming of the ENP appears to be the disproportion between the number of commitments and tasks that the neighbours must make and carry out and the benefits promised by the EU. Currently, the ENP does not offer membership prospects, and other concessions made by the European Union have not been clearly defined (neither in terms of the scope nor the terms and conditions of implementation). This lack of balance between the European Union's great aspirations to influence its neighbours and the limited offer it addresses to those neighbours seems to be a problem of such magnitude that, unless the situation changes, it may paralyse further implementation of the ENP. 3. The mechanisms and objectives of the ENP have been determined in rather general terms, which gives the EU great freedom of action in its policy towards the Eastern partners. On the one hand, the ENP allows for a very reserved approach or even the simulation of real actions; yet on the other, it does not exclude the possibility of very active engagement by the EU (including holding out the prospect of membership for the European neighbours). This shows that the ENP does not definitely determine the nature of the EU engagement. A great deal depends on the political will on the part of both the European Union's structures and its individual member states. The ENP's flexibility seems to be a particularly valuable feature; it gives an opportunity for an evolutional change to this formula which may be inspired by both new experiences and the changing reality.

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Korona i Keynes
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Korona i Keynes

Author(s): Robert Skidelsky / Language(s): Serbian

Interview with Robert Skidelsky (Project Syndicate)

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Національна безпека і оборона, № 121 (2011 - 03)
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Національна безпека і оборона, № 121 (2011 - 03)

Author(s): Oleksiy Garan,Igor Zhdanov,Mihail Pogrebinskiy,Yuliya Tishchenko,Volodymyr Fesenko,Oleg Ustenko,Mykhailo Volynets,Yaroslav Zhalilo,Alexey Miroshnichenko,Vasyl' Khara,Volodymyr Ogrysko,Borys Tarasyuk ,Oleksandr Chalyy,Taras Chornovil / Language(s): Ukrainian

THE FIRST YEAR OF ACTIVITY OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT: INTENTIONS, ACTIONS, RESULTS // Section 1. DOMESTIC POLICY // ACTIONS OF THE GOVERNMENT IN THE FIELD OF DOMESTIC POLICY: POSITIONS OF EXPERTS // Section 2. ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL POLICY // What is the investor afraid of, or how to ensure sustainable growth // ACTIONS OF THE GOVERNMENT IN THE FIELD OF ECONOMIC POLICY: POSITIONS OF EXPERTS // Section 3. FOREIGN POLICY // ADDITION. Ukraine's Foreign Policy 2010: Public Opinion // ACTIONS OF THE GOVERNMENT IN THE FIELD OF FOREIGN POLICY: POSITIONS OF EXPERTS // Section 4. ACTIVITIES OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT IN CITIZENS 'ASSESSMENTS // GENERAL CONCLUSIONS

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Rad u doba korone II – Superhik država
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Rad u doba korone II – Superhik država

Author(s): Mario Reljanović / Language(s): Serbian

Privredu i državu u vreme korone održavaju radnici, a ne poslodavci (ili daleko bilo političari, kako oni sami pokušavaju da nas ubede). Pa opet, ti isti radnici će proći najgore. Jer sistem je kalibriran tako da bogati postaju još bogatiji, a siromašni još siromašniji. U redovnom stanju, kao i u vanrednom. Takva logika ne samo da nije normalna, već nije ni održiva.

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Oporavak posle epidemije u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji
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Oporavak posle epidemije u Hrvatskoj i Srbiji

Author(s): Vladimir Gligorov / Language(s): Serbian

Predviđanja Evropske komisije, koja se vide u objavljenim podacima (Ameco), zasnivala su se na pretpostavci da će se srpska privreda potpuno oporaviti već 2021, dok će za hrvatski oporavak verovatno biti potrebna još jedna godina, pre svega zbog velikog uticaja turističke privrede. Ukoliko, valja razumeti, se epidemija povuče ili stavi pod kontrolu, i nema nepotrebnih grešaka u privrednoj politici. Posle skorašnjeg obnavljanja epidemijskog udara u Srbiji, i u određenoj meri u Hrvatskoj, srpska se privreda suočava sa rizikom da pad proizvodnje bude dublji nego što se predviđalo i da se oporavak oduži, ako sasvim ne izostane. Dok bi hrvatska privreda svejedno trebalo da nastavi da se postepeno oporavlja, jer je turistička sezona izgubljena više ili manje.

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Klasni rat u doba pandemije
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Klasni rat u doba pandemije

Author(s): Yanis Varoufakis / Language(s): Serbian

Kriza evra koja je počela pre desetak godina dugo je prikazivana kao rezultat sukoba štedljivog severa i rasipničkog juga. Uzrok te krize zapravo je bio klasni rat koji je Evropu, pa i njene kapitaliste, značajno oslabio u odnosu na Sjedinjene Države i Kinu. Što je još gore, odgovor Evropske unije na pandemiju, uključujući evropski fond za oporavak koji se razmatra, dodatno će produbiti ovaj klasni sukob i naneti još jedan težak udarac evropskom društvenoekonomskom modelu.

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Četiri vrste rada i epidemija
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Četiri vrste rada i epidemija

Author(s): Branko Milanović / Language(s): Serbian

U nedavno objavljenom članku u časopisu Foreign Affairs tvrdio sam da je pažnja kreatora državnih politika, pa i javnosti uopšte, pogrešno usmerena na održavanje fiktivnih ekonomskih parametara (kao što su berzanski indeksi) ili finansijsko stanje kompanija. Takvi parametri, naravno, nisu nevažni. Ali u situaciji dubokog poremećaja ekonomskih aktivnosti i krize koja je slična ratnom stanju, fokusiranje na finansijske indikatore odvlači pažnju sa važnijih stvari. Pažnju treba usmeriti pre svega na fizičke veličine (kao što je u ratnom stanju uvek i bio slučaj, na primer, u Sjedinjenim Državama za vreme Drugog svetskog rata).

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Evropa nespremna za recesiju posle pandemije
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Evropa nespremna za recesiju posle pandemije

Author(s): Yanis Varoufakis / Language(s): Serbian

Ministri finansija evrozone okupljeni u Evrogrupi ne uspevaju da se dogovore o makroekonomski učinkovitom i koordinisanom fiskalnom odgovoru na snažan recesioni pritisak pandemije COVID-19. Bojimse da će jedini rezultat njihovih pregovora biti gromoglasna saopštenja i impresivne brojke kojima se skriva irelevantnost i nedovoljnost usaglašenih politika.

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Ekonomija posle virusa
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Ekonomija posle virusa

Author(s): Paul Mason / Language(s): Serbian

„Učinićemo sve što je potrebno“, rekao je ministar finansija. Nažalost, Rishi Sunak nije u poziciji da učini ono što nam je sada potrebno – ili bar još nije. Kriza koju je izazvao virus Covid-19 zaustavila je ekonomski rast – u Britaniji i širom sveta – na sasvim nov način sa kojim nemamo prethodnih iskustava.

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Do poslednjeg Ukrajinca
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Do poslednjeg Ukrajinca

Author(s): Noam Chomsky / Language(s): Serbian

Rat u Ukrajini izaziva potrese u međunarodnim odnosima. Otvorena su nova pitanja o nacionalnoj bezbednosti Evrope, a energetska geopolitika je duboko uzdrmana. Pored toga, čini se da rat stvara nove podele između globalnog severa i globalnog juga, dok Rusija i Kina jačaju svoje strateške odnose.

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Naši oligarsi
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Naši oligarsi

Author(s): Yanis Varoufakis / Language(s): Serbian

Tek što je Roman Abramovič najavio da će zbog sankcija koje je Velika Britanija uvela ruskim oligarsima ponuditi na prodaju fudbalski klub Čelsi, potencijalni kupci su počeli da se utrkuju s ponudama. Jedna sportska ikona, veliki igrači iz Sitija, čak i jedan uvaženi kolumnista Tajmsa, prihvatili su da zastupaju nekoliko američkih multimilijardera u najavljenoj licitaciji. U međuvremenu, mnoštvo londonskih nekretnina u vlasništvu ruskih oligarha našlo se u procesu likvidacije, što je odavno trebalo da se dogodi. Zašto tek sada?

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Ruska ekonomija – dugoročna prognoza
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Ruska ekonomija – dugoročna prognoza

Author(s): Branko Milanović / Language(s): Serbian

Za ocenu dugoročnih izgleda ruske ekonomije takođe je korisno prvo definisati prihvaćene pretpostavke i osvrnuti se na istorijske primere. Polazimo od dve pretpostavke. Prvo, da današnji ruski režim u sadašnjem ili nešto izmenjenom obliku može potrajati još 10 do 20 godina.

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Kineski put
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Kineski put

Author(s): Vladimir Gligorov / Language(s): Serbian

Pretpostavimo da su sledeće dve političke odluke do sada, do agresije na Ukrajinu, strateške, što će reći da su se kineske vlasti njima rukovodile kod svih drugih političkih odluka: Prva, da je od 1989. legitimnost vlasti, ili bolje rečeno odloženost legitimnosti vlasti, zasnovana na održavanju stabilnosti koja je pretpostavka privrednog razvoja i dogod ga ima. Sa dugoročnim izgledom da se, da to tako kažem, privredni liberalizam dopuni demokratskom legitimnošću - stoga je to odložena legitimnost. (Za one koje to interesuje, to je bio Buharinov ili program Nove ekonomske politike iz 20-ih godina prošloga veka u Sovjetskom Savezu. Koji je Staljin ugušio u krvi, u ne maloj meri ukrajinskoj, o Buharinovoj da ne govorimo.)

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Kako okončati rat u Ukrajini
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Kako okončati rat u Ukrajini

Author(s): Alfred McCoy / Language(s): Serbian

Dok se rat u Ukrajini bliži trećem mesecu uzimajući sve veći danak u ljudskim životima i razaranju, Vašington i njegovi evropski saveznici smišljaju, zasad neuspešno, kako da zaustave taj strašni sukob koji izaziva globalne poremećaje.

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How much is invested into the fight against corruption and organized crime and are there visible results in this respect?
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How much is invested into the fight against corruption and organized crime and are there visible results in this respect?

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

The research “How much is invested into the fight against corruption and organized crime and are there visible results in this respect?” was established within the sub-programme of the Centre for Civic Education (CCE) Accountability and Transparency of the Government and it aims to raise awareness on the expenditures from the Budget of Montenegro and European Union funds. The specific objective of the project is to point out the investments in the fight against corruption and organized crime, as one of the key problems of Montenegro on its path towards the EU and the (in) visible results in this direction. CCE has conducted research in the period from 17 January to 6 February 2013, taking into account the funds for project activities in the field of fight against corruption and organized crime invested in Montenegro from 2007 to 2012, through the financial support received through the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance, as well as direct allocations from the Budget of Montenegro into the key bodies responsible for combating corruption and organized crime. Corruption and organized crime have been long lasting challenges in front of the Montenegrin way to the EU, along with an internal democratization of the country. In the fight against corruption and organized crime, it is essential to establish strong, efficient and professional institutions that will conduct this work, so that citizens of Montenegro could have confidence in the entire legal system. Therefore, the construction of these institutions include also their adequate financing, which should be a priority not only of the European Union which has been pointing out their weaknesses for years already, but also investing significantly through its funds in Montenegro for this purpose, but the Budget of Montenegro, which is nothing but a financial expression of its declared political will. Of course, it is necessary from time to time to make an assessment what are these resources, whom are they allocated to, are they corresponding to the visible results, and whether the declared political will is accompanied by track record.

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The Western Balkans: A Chance for the EU A Liberal Perspective on the Accession Process
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The Western Balkans: A Chance for the EU A Liberal Perspective on the Accession Process

Author(s): Not Specified Author / Language(s): English

Taking a look at the map it is clear that the countries of the Western Balkans (in this paper Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro, North Macedonia and Serbia) are a geopolitically crucial part of Europe that is still missing from the European Union. For political, economic and infrastructural reasons, as well as for the European identity that the Union shares with the Western Balkans, it is vital to reanimate the spirit of the accession process in the region and in the European member states. The EU accession process needs adaptations and improvements to provide more clarity, support and realistic perspectives for the aspiring members. The perspective of the Western Balkans states on the further development of the accession process is comparatively under-represented in the day-to-day debate on EU enlargement. Therefore, representatives of five liberal parties who are active in the above-mentioned states have compiled this short paper on their opinion on possible adjustments in the accession process speaking from their own experience as policy makers.

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