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The Restriction of Parental Rights - an Atypical Result in Some Specific Procedures. The restriction of parental rights is a special procedure, which finds its place in the Family Code.However, a number of other procedures that pursue quite different goals can achieve the effect of restricting in one way or another right of parents to communicate with their own child. For example, in proceedings for protection from domestic violence, the court may prohibit a parent to approach a child. Restriction can prevent and placement of the child in a family of relatives or in placement in a specialized institution. It is very controversial question about the possibility of a child to be placed in an institution of closed type (boarding reformatory) and how it affects custody. The court should not remain indifferent to the fate of the child, nor to the right of parents to exercise their parental rights, which are why even in these specific procedures, should detail arrange mode of personal relationships.
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This article renders problematic the prosecutor’s supervision over public administration in contemporary Bulgaria and explores what limitations need to be delineated so that such supervision to be in line with the rule of law. The “general prosecutor’s supervision” is a fundament of socialist administrative law, grounded in the political ideas of Leninism. After the adoption of the democratic Constitution in 1991 that institute passes over to the contemporary administrative law without any theoretical or practical debates for its place in the paradigm of the rule of law. The Prosecutor’s office continues to exist in the same old socialist model as a united, centralized, hierarchical system in the branch of judiciary. While the prosecutor’s supervision is no longer theorized as a general one,the powers of the prosecutor, especially the supervision over public administration, have not been substantially constricted. The article raises the question whether the existing prosecutor’s supervision over public administration in Bulgaria actually turns into prosecutor’s supervision over the citizens and organizations, on one side, and over the court, on the other side. Moreover, the research tackles the balance between the public interest and human rights in the complex relationship between the administration and citizens and offers for debate certain formulas for laying down adequate limitations of the prosecutor’s supervision over public administration.
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U Hagu je večeras saopšteno da je podignuta optužnica protiv Vojislava Šešelja, lider Srpske radikalne stranke. Optužnicu je, pre mesec dana, potpisala glavni tužilac Karla/Carla del Ponte, a danas je - na osnovu pratećeg dokaznog materijala, potvrdio korejski sudija O-Gon Kvon/Kwon. U ukupno 14 tačaka optužnice, Vojislav Šešelj se tereti za učešće u sistematskim i rasprostranjenim napadima na hrvatsko, muslimansko i drugo nesrpsko civilno stanovništvo u Istočnoj i Zapadnoj Slavoniji, Bosni i Hercegovini i Vojvodini. Do septembra 1993., kada se razišao sa Slobodanom Miloševićem, Vojislav Šešelj je - navodi se u optužnici - bio jedan od učesnika u "zajedničkom zločinačkom poduhvatu", sa ciljem trajnog uklanjanja nesrpskog stanovništva sa trećine teritorije Hrvatske, iz većeg dela Bosne i Hercegovine, kao i iz delova Vojvodine.
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Nema nikoga tko se ovih dana u Srbiji nije zabrinuo zbog nedavne odluke da suđenje haškom optuženiku Vojislavu Šešelju pred Haškim tribunalom bude prekinuto na neodređeno vrijeme. Od predsjednice Vrhovnog suda Srbije Vide Petrović-Škero pa do osnivača i predsjednika Beogradskog centra za ljudska prava Vojina Dimitrijevića, svi su suglasni u ocjeni da je Šešelju narušeno pravo na suđenje u razumnom roku; u Sheveningenu je još od početka 2003, suđenje mu je počelo 7. novembra 2007, da bi – kako se čini – početkom 2009. zapalo u ćorsokak iz kojega je posve neizvjesno kada i kako će izaći.
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Idućeg utorka, 24. februara, navršiće se tačno šest godina kako se predsednik Srpske radikalne stranke Vojislav Šešelj dobrovoljno predao Haškom tribunalu, pred kojim je optužen za zločine protiv čovečnosti i kršenje zakona i običaja rata. Njegov slučaj nije jedinstven samo po dužini njegovog boravka iza rešetaka pre nego što je proces otpočeo: on je i jedini optuženi čije je suđenje zvanično počinjalo dva puta 7. novembra 2007, kada su mu sudije posle štrajka glađu priznale pravo da se brani sam. Ujedno je i jedini okrivljeni u Hagu kog uglavnom terete zbog podsticanja drugih na zločine, što je i razlog da njegovi simpatizeri tvrde kako se Šešelju u Hagu sudi zbog „verbalnog delikta”, to jest „govora mržnje”. (U optužnici se, naime, Šešelj tereti „da je svojim govorima, izjavama, radnjama i/ili propustima doprineo da se kod izvršilaca stvori odluka da počine krivična dela”.)
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Przedmiotem analizy w niniejszym artykule jest ocena wpływu wdrażanych procedur dotyczących środków wykonawczych Komisji Europejskiej na jakość tworzonych zapisów prawnych, a także na możliwość uwzględnienia interesów narodowych. Na przykładzie polskiej statystyki publicznej i wybranych rozwiązań prawnych autorzy podjęli próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie, czy zmiany w komitologii poprawiły – tak jak to było oczekiwane – tempo prac oraz efektywność procedowania środków wykonawczych, czyli czy usprawniło to proces wprowadzania nowych rozwiązań w obszarze europejskiego systemu statystycznego, z korzyścią zarówno dla poszczególnych jego członków, jak i Eurostatu. Dodatkowo przedstawiono zalecenia, jakimi powinny kierować się krajowe urzędy statystyczne w przypadku procedowania nad środkami wykonawczymi Komisji.
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W roku 2018 po raz pierwszy w polskim prawie gospodarczym ustalono zasady oceny skutków regulacji (OSR) aktów prawnych dotyczących prawa gospodarczego (w ustawie Prawo przedsiębiorców z 6 marca 2018). Można się zastanawiać, czy wpłynie to na poprawę jakości prawa gospodarczego i ułatwi polskim przedsiębiorcom dostęp do funduszy UE. Dlatego celem opracowania jest ustalenie, czy jakość prawa może istotnie przyczyniać się do redukcji barier w wykorzystaniu funduszy unijnych przez polskich przedsiębiorców, a szczególnie czy mogą usprawnić ten proces nowe zasady OSR prawa gospodarczego. Zazwyczaj bada się jakość prawa w kontekście ułatwień związanych z prowadzoną działalnością gospodarczą w danym kraju. Natomiast problem ten nie był analizowany w związku z korzystaniem z funduszy unijnych. Autorka przedstawia jakość prawa jako element otoczenia regulacyjnego przedsiębiorców. Zarysowuje niedoskonałości prawa utrudniające przedsiębiorcom korzystanie z funduszy unijnych. Podaje ogólną charakterystykę OSR w świetle regulacji polskiego prawa, a następnie skupia się na OSR prawa gospodarczego i jej znaczeniu dla poprawy jego jakości, a także uwarunkowaniach ekonomicznych jakości prawa gospodarczego.
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Obecny stan systemu kontroli wykorzystania funduszy unijnych w Polsce nie uwzględnia ewolucji, jakiej są poddawane mechanizmy wsparcia unijnego na rzecz rozwoju państwa członkowskiego. Zmiany te są warunkowane zarówno czynnikami o charakterze geopolitycznym, jak i społecznym. Celem artykułu jest zatem zaproponowanie rozszerzenia zakresu przedmiotu kontroli wykorzystania funduszy unijnych w Polsce z uwzględnieniem trzech aspektów: 1) zastosowania montaży finansowych z udziałem środków unijnych w projektach hybrydowych, 2) uwzględnienia w katalogu podmiotów uprawnionych do absorpcji unijnej nowej struktury samorządowej w Polsce – związku metropolitalnego, 3) wdrożenia przestrzegania zasady praworządności w kontekście wypłaty funduszy unijnych. W artykule zastosowano metodę krytycznej analizy dokumentów obejmujących zarówno źródła o charakterze legislacyjnym, jak i komentarzowym. Dotyczy ona okresu programowania unijnego 2007–2013 i 2014–2020. Wyniki analiz są zaprezentowane w normatywnym ujęciu ekonomii.
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If it was not for the coronavirus pandemic, 2019 and the beginning of 2020 wouldnot have been regarded in the international politics as overly exciting. One exceptionwas the American-Iranian crisis at the turn of 2019/20. America under Donald Trumpcontinued to waste its leadership capital at both global and transatlantic level. The Weststarted to show signs of its triple division into the US – Western Europe – and Central/Southern Europe, with the latter widening the distance from “old Europe” and shiftingpolitically towards a second class democracy at best. Under Viktor Orbán, Hungarybecame in a way the fi rst private state in contemporary Europe. Transition of power atthe top of EU institutions paralyzed the Union’s foreign activity. Russia, despite its ratherpoor domestic performance, was doing well internationally mainly due to the weakEU and the hectic American policy. China continued its stable course, although itseconomy was slowly losing its previous impetus. Thomas Hobbes’s visions of politicsseemed to settle down in the wider Middle East, where there were many mid- and microlevelconfl icts, clashes and tensions, and no hope for a clear weather. The coronaviruspandemic, which started during the fi rst months of 2020 and will last for a few monthsmore, will bring deep consequences for the global and national economies all overthe world as well as for international politics. However, COVID-19 driven changes needmore time for a credible assessment.
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The article discusses the evolution and functioning of the Common Securityand Defence Policy of the EU in 2019. The authors begin with an analysis of the maindeterminants of cooperation within CSDP, focusing on the impact of the perspectiveon Brexit as well as internal political changes and tensions in main European countries(France, Germany), and US-Europe relations. They discuss the evolution of the politicaldimension of European cooperation on security and defence, including the debates onEuropean strategic autonomy and changes in European institutions. They also presentthe development of PESCO, including the course of the debates on the participationof third states in this initiative, as well as it’s functioning in 2019. Additionally, theyanalyze current changes in operational activities (i.e. CSDP missions and operations),including modifi cations of key instruments for executing such actions, like the socalled Civilian Compact. In conclusion, they off er an overall assessment of the resultsand achievements of CSDP in 2019, together with a concise prognosis of its futuredevelopment.
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The article assesses the activity of the Security Council in 2019. It explains the reasonsbehind Russia’s and China’s vetoes concerning the situation in the Middle Eastand Venezuela, and the discussion blockade on the situation in Ukraine and Myanmar.It describes the main trends in decisions on country and regional situations, as wellas in the adoption of thematic resolutions. In addition, it summarizes the progressof peacekeeping operations and the impact of Polish membership in the SecurityCouncil. The article argues that some problems which cause political tension arecurrently “juridicized”; that Russia and China oppose inclusion of Human Rights issuesin the Security Council works; and that Poland concludes its membership with rathermeagre results.
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In 2019, the nuclear arms control architecture collapsed. The article presents the mostimportant examples of this process; fi rstly, the continuing destruction of the nuclearagreement with Iran – JCPOA – and no progress on full denuclearization of the KoreanPeninsula; secondly, compliance with the obligations arising from the New STARTwith no decisions regarding its future; and thirdly, US withdrawal from INF and itsultimate collapse.
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The aim of this article is to analyze the ongoing 2019 confl icts in the Middle Eastand Africa. The selection of armed confl icts was made on the basis of two maincriteria: intensity, i.e. the scale of battle-deaths; and internationalization, i.e. militaryinvolvement of third countries. As part of the Strategic Yearbook series that reviewscurrent armed confl icts, this study is a continuation of analyses from previous editions.Its purpose is to explore the conditions and dynamics of the 2019 armed confl ictsand their implications for international security. It also explains the reasons of theirincreasing intensity and internationalization.
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The article surveys an analysis of the most important energy market trends fromthe perspective of their importance for global and European energy security and globalclimate security. The author illustrates the importance of both climate change challengesand traditional threats to energy security – especially those related to the oil suppliesdisruptions and price fl uctuations – on the dynamically changing energy market. In 2019,global oil market experienced the largest disruptions in the 21st century due to the attackon Saudi Arabia’s oil facilities in Abqaiq. How did this spectacular event impact oil/energy security? How did contemporary demand-supply trends help in managingthe 2019 disruptions? Finally, the author examines the scale of transformative changesin the energy market with regard to energy effi ciency, renewable energy, CO2 emissions,and how energy-climate policy interacts with the energy security environment.
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The article discusses the basic rationale for China’s policy towards the major internationalactors: the United States, Russia, and the European Union. This fi rst part is followed by anin-depth analysis of China’s behaviour within the format of peripheral diplomacy withJapan and the Korean Peninsula as well as with Vietnam and the Philippines in South--East Asia. The major argument in the article is based on the assumption that, throughregional initiatives like the Code of Conduct, Beijing is looking for more infl uencein the region to limit and balance Washington’s position in the East Asia region.
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2019 brought massive and fi erce protests to Hong Kong. Contentious politics in thisSpecial Administrative Region of China should be seen through the deep changesin Hong Kong’s society and politics after the Handover. Mainlandization of the regionis met with public resistance. This article underlines the economic, social and politicalreasons of this resistance and the growth of radical politics in Hong Kong, and it discussesthe changes in tactics of the protesters.
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The collapse of existing political and social structures in the Middle East creates spacefor seeking new systemic solutions. For many countries, this is an opportunity tochange their position and international roles in the region. Especially Iran and Turkeyhave become very active, seeking to strengthen their regional position. Being twoof the largest countries in the Middle East, their actions entail consequences that gobeyond the region, thus becoming the subject of non-regional powers.
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The article discusses Poland’s foreign policy in 2019/2020. The government continued itsEurosceptical policy, getting involved in numerous confl icts with European institutionsand showing scepticism towards further deepening of European integration. Mucheff ort was put into the relations with the United States, especially in the area of security.The eff ectiveness of regional forums proved to be limited. The policy towards easternneighbours was determined mainly by historical problems.
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