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Durch die Frage nach der Technik möchte Heidegger unser Dasein dem Wesen der Technik öffnen. Dabei unterscheidet er zwischen Technik und dem Wesen der Technik. Nach altem Grundsatz gilt als das Wesen von etwas das, was etwas ist. Deshalb fragen wir nach der Technik, wenn wir fragen, was sie sei. Die Bestimmung der Technik als eines Mittels und eines Tuns des Menschen stellt eine instrumentale und anthropologische Auffassung derselben dar. Diese Bestimmung gilt auch fur die moderne Technik, obwohl sie etwas durchaus Anderes und darum Neues ist. Die instrumentale Bestimmung der Technik hält Heidegger für richtig, aber sie zeigt noch nicht ihr Wesen. Die Technik ist eine Weise des Entbergens. Die Art des Entbergens, die die moderne Technik charakterisiert, ist das Stellen im Sinne der Herausforderung. Das in der Weise der technischen Herausforderung Versammelnde nennt Heidegger Ge-stell. Das Wesen der modernen Technik beruht im Ge-stell. Aber es ist nicht im Sinne der Gattung und der essentia gemeint. Als deren Wesen ist das Ge-stell die äußerste Gefahr, weil es dadurch dem Menschen versagt sein konnte, in ein urspriinglicheres Entbergen einzukehren, um eine anfanglichere Wahrheit zu erfahren. Dabei muss man berücksichtigen, dass das Wort Ge-stell bier in einem vollig ungewohnten Sinne gebraucht wird. Nach der gewonlichen Bedeutung meint es z.B. ein Büchergestell. Das Wort Ge-stell meint kein Geriit oder irgendeine Art von Apparatur. Heidegger ist nicht gegen Technik. Seinen eigenen Worten zufolge hat er versucht, das Wesen der Technik zu verstehen. ln ihrem Wesen sieht er das Stehen des Menschen in einer Macht, der gegenuber er nicht mehr frei ist; ferner kündige sich bier ein Bezug des Sein zum Menschen an, der sich im Wesen der Technik verbirgt und eines Tages vielleicht in die Unverborgenheit kommen wird. Im Wesen der Technik sieht er den ersten Umriss eines tieferen Geschehens, das er Ereignis nennt.
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Not only does it seem necessary to present the meaning which the word techne had in the classical Greek culture, but also to distinguish the techne - technics dichotomy. As a result of historical development, this distinction has led to dissolution of what the antique word techne meant as well as to independence of technics as something different from techne by its meaning and its definition, or, more precisely, it has proved to be a reduction, a confinement of its content. Having designated his vocation as 'political techne', because it teaches political arete, Protagora speaks of prudent deciding studies (eubolia) in the sphere of state affairs to make a young man capable of working and speaking for the state. As opposed to some other sophists who tend to more practical education, Protagora considers only politica[ education as genuinely a 'general' one.
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Does Plato in his late dialogue abandon from the ideal of the best state or in The Laws only adjust this ideal to the existing circumstances (whereas the concept of the polis from The Sta¬te still remains paradigm)? According to the certain interpreters Plato in The Laws does not leave the ideal of the best regulation from The State dialogue, but in his late dialogue presents the second best state with regard to the paideia which can be realized in the existing circumstances. On the contrary to this, having in mind changes which has happened in Plato’s philosophy upon The State emerged, it is possible to defend the other standpoint as well, according to which the Plato’s views of the state regulation are essentially modified in The Laws dialogue. Thematizating the difference in Plato’s concept of the state in The State and The Laws dialogues in this work has been made an attempt to show how the “revising” of the attitudes on the polytea regulation happened due to the change of Plato’s ontology. The explaining of this statement include: (1) that the difference between The State and The Laws dialogues is more thorough and deeper than it appears considering Plato’s observation that in the latter dialogue it is about „the second best state“; (2) that Plato’s scholarship on the best (ideal) state is essentially defined by its ontology, and it is confirmed by Plato’s dialogues made between The State and The Laws; (3) on this basis in the work has been founded the statement that the change of Plato’s political position is a consequence of Principal Theory re-establishing which replaces the early Plato’s ontological postulates. Owing to the serious researches of Plato’s “unwritten doctrines”, i.e. the rebuild of Principal Theory, it is obvious today that in the time period between two Plato’s tractates, on which this work is about, happened a change in the ontological premises of The State and The Laws author. Leaving of the so called “early ideas theory postulate”, indeed, understood gradual process: and a step in The State has been made toward the one of the “principals” by setting the idea of the good in the rank of what is “from the other side of being”. However, the immanent critics of ideas theory is getting radical in the Par¬me¬ni¬des, Sop¬hist, Sta¬te¬sman and Ti¬ma¬e¬us dialogues, and the latter probably most expli¬ citly points out on different Plato’s ontological position. Introduction of manyness in the world of ideas, which is happening in Par¬me¬ni¬des already, “concatenation of being and non-being”, as the Sop¬hist dialogue speaks about, is changing the relationship to what is taken away of stand-alone ontological status at early and mature Plato. The above mentioned assumption, which we tried to prove, adopt the standpoint defended by many researchers of Greek philosophy (Fink, Heidegger, Krämer, Volkmann-Schluk) that in the overall antique mind experience the ontological plan is primary, i.e. that the practical philosophy is in the shadow of “the first philosophy”, and based on it, the difference between The State and The Laws can be understood as well.
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In this paper I will present several possible theoretical interpretations of the testimonies of Thales’ thesis that water is ἀρχὴ. I will try to show that none of these interpretations can integrate even all Aristotle’s testimonies. I will try to show that these testimonies lead to contradiction, and that from this fact follows the irreconcilability of these interpretations.
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The author analyses Plato’s use of the hypothesis notion in connection with his hypotheses method, as it was articulated in Meno and Phaedo, and later criticized in The Republic. It is shown that, at first, Plato’s use of this notion was identical to its use in ancient Greek mathematics, and that the same stands in regards with his method of inquiry – this, too, was at first modeled after ancient Greek mathematical methods of analysis and diorismos. Later, as he developed the metaphysical theory of forms, Plato distanced himself from ideal of building philosophy on the model of ancient Greek deductive science and established it as auto reflexive, critical thinking instead, with dialectics as method in its own right.
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The author critically examines Patzig’s and Frede’s interpretation of the unity of Aristotle’s first philosophy. These are the two relevant contemporary interpretation that consider the issue of unity of Aristotle’s project in Metaphysics “immanently”, ie. which interpretate “general” science of being qua being, and theology, a “special” science of the divine, as a single project. Although the acceptance of the fundamental tensions of Aristotle’s project is necessary for understanding of this project in the first place, the paper tends to show that the way in which Patzig and Frede interpret the unity of Aristotle’s project in Metaphysics is not justified by its very text.
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The paper aims to explore St Maximus the Confessor’ teaching on movement in the light of his ancient philosophical sources. Maximus’ employment of Neoplathonic terminology for the purpose of exposing his theological thought implies a direct or indirect influence of ancient thinkers on his work. In examining the themes of ancient philosophical heritage in Maximus, the paper proposes a fourfold division of his sources. The first source is pagan authors, such as Aristotle, Plotinus and Proclus, whom Maximus might know directly. The second source are ancient philosophical doctrines that through Christian authors such as Origen, St. Gregory of Nyssa, St. Nemesius of Emesa or Dionysius Areopagite already entered the Christian tradition, and which are transformed to a certain extent. The third source are the Christian Neo-Platonists of Alexandria Academy, like John Philoponus, Elias, David and Stephen of Alexandria who attempted to interprete previous philosophical tradition in conformity with certain Christian principles, and the fourth source are the Christian authors, who independently of previous philosophical traditions shaped their metaphysical views. The focus of the paper is on the first three sources.
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This paper starts from the assumption of Gadamer's hermeneutics that a work should express the complete truth, and tests its viability in the work "Sutras of Mountains and Waters" by the Zen monk Dogen. First, I note four contradictory points in Dogen's sutras. Next, I find the source of their contradiction in the Platonic understanding of language, based on a model of visual perception, which introduces a duality between the observer and objective reality. So, I present a new conception of language based on a model of bodily perception and a dynamic understanding of reality, which resolves the four contradictions in Dogen's sutras. In the end, I look at how the adoption of this new conception of language reflects on the approach in Gadamer's hermeneutics.
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Epicurean epistemology, which gives perception full credibility as a key factor and an infallible source of receiving information regarding the external word, is completely dependable on materialist-atomistic view of natural science. As such, it is fundamental for a clear understanding of Epicurus' ethical ideas. This paper seeks to reconstruct his position and subsume it under one of the contemporary theories of perception, as an apologetic view on Epicurus and his, at first glance, rigid standpoints. Insistence on the truth of all perceptions is attempted to be alleviated and understood by modern perspective. Thus, classifying Epicurean views of perception as a certain form of indirect realism provides to the seemingly unacceptable Epicurus' theory of perception a shape which may be plausible and acceptable.
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The term prohairesis has a long history; its usage is crucial for the development and understanding of basic ethical and anthropological assumptions in ancient Hellenic philosophy. In this article the author analyses the most important moments for the semantic transformation of this term, with particular reference to the implications of its usage in Byzantine theological and philosophical heritage, with the ultimate expression in work of St Maximus the Confessor and his christological synthesis. The equation between the terms prohairesis and gnome and their separation from the authentic human nature, as well as the usage of the term thelesis for the original „human will“, represents the thorough revision of the antique philosophical heritage which could be compared with the distinction of the terms ousia and hypostasis by Cappadocian Fathers. In this article the author will show the extent to which and the way in which Byzantine theological and philosophical thought adopted and transformed its own Hellenic heritage.
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Delineation of the skeptical way of thinking and vision of life, from ordinary people (idiotes), academics and dogmatic is important. After that, we can start to (by Sextus) search and make sense of the good life, which is for skeptics achieving ataraxia. To restraint from the judgment is crucial for skeptic. For the correct setting of the problem and possible solutions, we come to two interpretations, rustic and urban. In my opinion, urban has a greater chance of success because rustic interpretation collapses into an academic, and does not meet the four desiderata which we have set as a requirement to get started.
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Based on two readings, one from the editorial board of the journal Theoria and other from the collective writers of the Analysis of the ideological orientation, this paper tries, from the distance of the time lost, to make third reading of the Dictionary of Technology. It is founded on Heracleitos’ concept of hewing of illusions that is comprehended, in the context of quarrel among “antiques” and “moderns“, against the concepts of technology, modernization, history and cognitive Ego. In that framework it has been looked for the "fifth essence" of the Dictionary of Technology as well as for the reason why it is immediately after the publishing in 1982 politically condemned and proscribed, and subjected to the institute of damnatio memoriae.
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Review of: Irina Deretić, Platonova filozofska mitologija. Zavod za udžbenike, Beograd, 2014
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The paper is conceived as an explanation of the thesis that Socrates both as a philosopher and as a person represents perfect harmony between demonian and rational, that is to say the essence of Socrates’ being has been recognized as specific amalgam of Dionysian and Apollonian principle. In this text author criticizes, or more precisely - corrects Nietzsche’s thesis that Socrates was guilty for violation of equilibrium in favor of Apollonian principle, in aesthetic and perfectly balanced Ancient Greece’ s culture.
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This paper will examine the relation that Roman Stoics had towards death and suicide (voluntaria mors). After brief analysis of the historical and social context of the Roman society in which Stoics formed their opinion, it could be claimed that the Stoic defense of suicide is based on their defense of fulfilled and dignified life. According to their ethical thought, Stoics did not consider death as something terrifying, but the opposite; they valued and praised rationally chosen death. Rational death, in their opinion, is not a testimony of useless life, but a confirmation of the idea that the only life worth living is a life according to virtue.
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Geoffrey of Aspall (d. 1287), who belonged to the third generation of Oxford scholars commentating on Aristotle’s natural philosophy works, was probably the first Latin scholar to write questions to De sensu et sensato. He must have written them as a mature scholar, for the text is a show of erudition: he is not only well acquainted with Aristotle’s own ideas on sensory perception but he also introduces some ideas taken from earlier commentary tradition and other scientific writings of his times making extensive use of medical, optical and mathematical works. Such a variety of sources allows Geoffrey to address questions that extend beyond the subject of the commented text so much that no one would reasonably expect to encounter at least some of them in Quaestiones in De sensu et sensato. Some of them concern the problem of complexion. How do primary qualities affect temperaments in the organic world? What are the mutual relations between complexion and temperaments? Does the change of proportion on the elementary level translate into the change of colour of a living creature? Although Aspall’s solutions to these problems do not seem entirely satisfactory, they draw our attention to problems lying on the boundary between natural philosophy and medicine that were rarely addressed by philosophers of his times. The doctrinal analysis of those issues is supplemented with a critical edition of question devoted entirely to the problem of complexio in Aspall’s commentary (Qu. 65 In quibus corporibus principaliter reperiuntur extremi colores) preceded by a short introduction.
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The text below contains a Polish translation of a fragment of Thomas Aquinas’ commentary on the Nicomachean Ethics (Sententia Ethic., lib. 3, l. 19–22), referring to the last three chapters of Book III of Aristotle’s work (III 1117b22– 1119b15), devoted to the virtue of temperance (σωφροσύνη) and the vice of intemperance or self-indulgence (ἀκολασία). The presented translation has been provided with explanations and references by the translator.
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Scholars argue to what extent ancient Greek philosophy is the result of the influence of the first civilisations of the Fertile Crescent, especially Sumer, Akad and Assyria. This article analyses Mesopotamian texts from the end of the second millennium BC to identify elements that are common to this civilisation and Greek philosophy. Undoubtedly, Mesopotamian thought is imbued with a form of existentialism that still lacks scientific distinction, but at the same time possesses a certain intuition that fits into the course of future science.
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The article examines the reception of Catholic and Protestant philosophy and theology in the Orthodox intellectual movement in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in the 17th-18th century, which arose after Peter Mohyla founded a college in Kyiv. The article contests point of view put forward by Georges Florovsky, who regarded this period of the history of Orthodox thought as the “Latin captivity” – an uncritical adoption of Western religious and humanitarian thought. It presents historical context of the emergence of the Mohyla movement, and examines the main challenges solved by Petro Mohyla with the establishment of the College in Kyiv. These challenges were the existing competition in social, political, and religious life between the Orthodox Christians on one side, and Greek rite Catholics (Unites) and Protestants on the other side, also the lack of education among the clergy and laity. The primary sources are analyzed: the texts of the participants of the Mohylian movement themselves, and their approach to the problem of the reception of Western philosophy is presented. The views of the thinkers from the 17th century are compared with those of their predecessors in Alexandria and Cappadocia during the 2nd–4th centuries. Based on this comparison, it is argued that the approach of the Mohylian movement towards the methods and achievements in spheres of philosophy and theology can be explained by the notion arising from the first centuries of Christianity that the non-Christian philosophy can be adapted to express orthodox teaching through extraction of “useful elements”. The article presents a view that the representatives of the Mohylian movement themselves followed such an attitude. Georges Florovsky’s approach to this period as the “Latin captivity” is explained through his political preferences.
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