
Analiza krize francuskog franka
Extract from the issue 1/1938 of the journal Znanost i život
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Extract from the issue 1/1938 of the journal Znanost i život
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The debate of the identification and definition of the askeri cifliks lies at the center of the Ottoman economic history. Their existence arises important questions related to the balance in the Ottoman classical economic and social system based on the state land property, the legitimacy of the political power of the Ottoman ruling class and the revenue collection of the agrarian surplus. A typical case of land usurpation and private control over the appropriation of the agrarian surplus can be investigated in the detail thanks to a wealth of historical data consisting of tax registers (tapu-tahrir defters), inventories of vakf's revenues and complaints against the ciflik-owner dated from 16th to the beginning of 18th century. The foundation and practice of administrator (mutevelli) of the Sofu Mehmed Pasha's and Mustafa Aga's vakfs (charitable donations), in the beginning of the 18th century demonstrates the genesis of such farms by occupation of abandoned lands. In addition, the investigation of the genesis and character of Veli Efendi's ciflik shows different ways of violation of the land law by the ciflik-owner as a result of his attempts at accumulating land, power and riches. The information included in the documents concerning the case of the ciflik presents the importance of political and economic factors such as the impact of the military campaigns on the population and the possibility of usurpation of abandoned lands as a result of the flight of the villagers for creating big askeri cifliks. The administration and control over the vakf's revenues and properties as part of the ciflik-holder's official duties are also of great significance for making high profits through concealing the ciflik's population and workers, misappropriation of arable lands and tax evasion. In other words the investigation of the case of the Veli Efendi's ciflik sheds light on the basic debatable questions in the Ottoman historiography related to the genesis and development of the askeri cifliks in the Ottoman Empire and some violations of the law and taxation by their holder, especially during 17th-18th centuries.
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The Paris Climate Conference to be held in December may be the last chance to deliver a globalagreement on tackling climate change. One issue that could be a game-changer for the negotiationsand one that is inevitable to achieve global climate goals is so-called climate finance. The existingframework does not provide enough predictability and capacity to limit global warming to a maximumof 2°C. A clear mechanism for gathering public funds from developed countries and the inclusion ofprivate investments is needed to secure reliable post-2020 climate actions.
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Blamed for many of the country’s problems, but at the same time under-researched and ineptly understood, the hidden economy phenomenon has, for many years, been insufficiently tackled by Macedonian academic and political elites. During the past few years, a renewed interest in the topic has led towards its more systematic treatment by institutions, but still largely based on approximations, lack of coordination between institutions and under-evaluation of policy measures. This treatment of the problem opens the floor to many speculations regarding the effectiveness of policies and their actual impact on reducing the size of hidden economy. The analysis, prepared by the Center for the Study of Democracy and the Center for Research and Policy Making (CRPM), involves a review of existing reports and data on the hidden economy in Macedonia as well as the available international sources. It reviews the current policy initiatives and whether these have been evaluated, as well as any planned future initiatives. The document aims to address some of the key issues through representing cross-section of existing data on the hidden economy in Macedonia and relevant policies, with the intention to review and summarize the knowledge-base on the issue and provide recommendations for better tackling the problem.
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Blamed for many of the country’s problems, but at the same time under-researched and ineptly understood, the hidden economy phenomenon has, for many years, been insufficiently tackled by Macedonian academic and political elites. During the past few years, a renewed interest in the topic has led towards its more systematic treatment by institutions, but still largely based on approximations, lack of coordination between institutions and under-evaluation of policy measures. This treatment of the problem opens the floor to many speculations regarding the effectiveness of policies and their actual impact on reducing the size of hidden economy. The analysis, prepared by the Center for the Study of Democracy and the Center for Research and Policy Making (CRPM), involves a review of existing reports and data on the hidden economy in Macedonia as well as the available international sources. It reviews the current policy initiatives and whether these have been evaluated, as well as any planned future initiatives. The document aims to address some of the key issues through representing cross-section of existing data on the hidden economy in Macedonia and relevant policies, with the intention to review and summarize the knowledge-base on the issue and provide recommendations for better tackling the problem.
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The Center for the Study of Democracy, in collaboration with the Center for Research and Policy Making (CRPM) elaborated a series of policy briefs analyzing the hidden economy in Macedonia. The topics encompass the issues of countering undeclared labour, tax evasion and fraud, media reporting on hidden economy and corruption, etc. The current policy brief underlines that undeclared work, being one of the main manifestations of hidden economy, becomes the bull’s-eye for many countries focusing on reshaping their social and economic policies in order to tackle this issue, especially since the onset of the economic crisis that hit Europe and the World in 2008. The most recent economic indicators coming from Europe show that this crisis has not concluded and European economies are yet to deal with its mid and long-term consequences. Macedonia and other Western Balkan countries are not exempt from this process, with job creation and policies targeting unemployment (28.2% as of Q2 2014) being a major concern and a focal point of political activity. Low growth prospects in the EU and sluggish economic conditions forecasted in 2014 are also limiting Macedonia’s growth prospects, which at this point are still positive at around 4% GDP growth annually (4.3% as of Q2 2014). The authors highlight several key points: According to results from the population survey, the proportion of employees with a primary employment receiving ‘envelope’ payments or temporary service contracts in addition to their salary is about one-third of the employed population; Almost 7% of employees work without a contract and are not being paid social security contributions. Combined with the abovementioned fact, this indicates the salary of about 40% of employees with a primary employment is partially or completely undeclared; More than half of employers confirm that signing contracts with ‘hidden clauses’ happens in their sector; Macedonia’s main focus in tackling undeclared work, just as most Eastern European Countries, is on Labor Law violations). Repressive measures and others aimed at improving detection are the dominant policy approach.
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The Center for the Study of Democracy, in collaboration with the Center for Research and Policy Making (CRPM) elaborated a series of policy briefs analyzing the hidden economy in Macedonia. The topics encompass the issues of countering undeclared labour, tax evasion and fraud, media reporting on hidden economy and corruption, etc. The current policy brief underlines that undeclared work, being one of the main manifestations of hidden economy, becomes the bull’s-eye for many countries focusing on reshaping their social and economic policies in order to tackle this issue, especially since the onset of the economic crisis that hit Europe and the World in 2008. The most recent economic indicators coming from Europe show that this crisis has not concluded and European economies are yet to deal with its mid and long-term consequences. Macedonia and other Western Balkan countries are not exempt from this process, with job creation and policies targeting unemployment (28.2% as of Q2 2014) being a major concern and a focal point of political activity. Low growth prospects in the EU and sluggish economic conditions forecasted in 2014 are also limiting Macedonia’s growth prospects, which at this point are still positive at around 4% GDP growth annually (4.3% as of Q2 2014). The authors highlight several key points: According to results from the population survey, the proportion of employees with a primary employment receiving ‘envelope’ payments or temporary service contracts in addition to their salary is about one-third of the employed population; Almost 7% of employees work without a contract and are not being paid social security contributions. Combined with the abovementioned fact, this indicates the salary of about 40% of employees with a primary employment is partially or completely undeclared; More than half of employers confirm that signing contracts with ‘hidden clauses’ happens in their sector; Macedonia’s main focus in tackling undeclared work, just as most Eastern European Countries, is on Labor Law violations). Repressive measures and others aimed at improving detection are the dominant policy approach.
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he Center for the Study of Democracy, in collaboration with the Center for Research and Policy Making (CRPM) elaborated a series of policy briefs analyzing the hidden economy in Macedonia. The topics encompass the issues of countering undeclared labour, tax evasion and fraud, media reporting on hidden economy and corruption, etc. The current policy brief underlines that undeclared work, being one of the main manifestations of hidden economy, becomes the bull’s-eye for many countries focusing on reshaping their social and economic policies in order to tackle this issue, especially since the onset of the economic crisis that hit Europe and the World in 2008. The most recent economic indicators coming from Europe show that this crisis has not concluded and European economies are yet to deal with its mid and long-term consequences. Macedonia and other Western Balkan countries are not exempt from this process, with job creation and policies targeting unemployment (28.2% as of Q2 2014) being a major concern and a focal point of political activity. Low growth prospects in the EU and sluggish economic conditions forecasted in 2014 are also limiting Macedonia’s growth prospects, which at this point are still positive at around 4% GDP growth annually (4.3% as of Q2 2014). The authors highlight several key points: According to results from the population survey, the proportion of employees with a primary employment receiving ‘envelope’ payments or temporary service contracts in addition to their salary is about one-third of the employed population; Almost 7% of employees work without a contract and are not being paid social security contributions. Combined with the abovementioned fact, this indicates the salary of about 40% of employees with a primary employment is partially or completely undeclared; More than half of employers confirm that signing contracts with ‘hidden clauses’ happens in their sector; Macedonia’s main focus in tackling undeclared work, just as most Eastern European Countries, is on Labor Law violations). Repressive measures and others aimed at improving detection are the dominant policy approach.
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This working paper is an output of the European Commission’s FP7 "Marie Curie Industry-Academia Partnerships and Pathways" (IAPP) project entitled "GREY - Out of the shadows: developing capacities and capabilities for tackling undeclared work in Bulgaria, Croatia and FYR Macedonia". Ms Rositsa Dzhekova and Mr. Lyubo Mishkov, Center for the Study of Democracy, and Prof. Colin C. Williams and Mr. Josip Franic, GREY-IAPP, Sheffield University Management School, University of Sheffield elaborated the report in July 2014. This report provides a detailed review of available evidence on the extent and nature of the undeclared economy in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), as well as on the institutional actors involved in tackling the phenomenon and their policy approach and measures used.
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In 2015 Bulgaria has regained one position compared to the previous year in the economic competitiveness ranking of the World Competitiveness Yearbook (WCY), published by the Institute for Management Development (IMD). The country is ranked 55th out of 61 economies. This is only a marginal improvement and remains significantly lower compared to its highest achievement in 2009 – 38th place. The ranking highlights two particular commonalities among the best ranking countries. Firstly, nine countries from the top 10 are also listed in the top 10 of the business efficiency factor. And secondly, all top positions are occupied by economies which are driven by innovation-based growth. In the policy brief the Center for the Study of Democracy provides the following recommendations for increasing the competitiveness of the Bulgarian economy: • Tackle high level corruption and state capture; • Modernize public administration and strengthen independent regulators; • Adopt education for innovation-based growth; • Tackle energy poverty, energy intensity and supply dependency; • Improve the country’s branding.
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CEFTA sporazum pretpostavlja stvaranje boljih uslova za razvoj trgovine među državama potpisnicama, kao jedan od preduslova bržeg razvoja ekonomije ovih zemalja. Iako je uspostava zone slobodne trgovine otvorila tržišta zemalja članica i pružila nesumnjivo velike mogućnosti u ekonomskoj saradnji, ipak, stječe se dojam da je ova zona još uvijek daleko od potpuno funkcionalnog tržišta. Neujednačena brzina kojom zemlje napreduju na svom putu ka članstvu u EU i u WTO vodi do toga da se i ključni zakoni i reforme zakonodavstva odvijaju neujednačenom dinamikom, što je samo po sebi prepreka ka realizaciji ciljeva CEFTA u potpunosti. Uzmimo za primjer samo BiH, koju je Evropska komisija čekala skoro četiri godine da konačno usvoji Zakon o sistemu državne pomoći u Bosni i Hercegovini koji je usvojen u februaru 2012. godine. Nije mnogo bolja situacija ni sa sistemom javnih nabavki u BiH, koji, iako pravni institut, zapravo predstavlja itekako značajno ekonomsko pitanje. Iako je Zakon o javnim nabavkama u BiH usvojen još 2004. godine, potreba unaprijeđenja sistema javnih nabavki je definisana u svim dokumentima koji prate napredak reformi u BiH na putu ka EU. Evropska komisija u svom godišnjem Izvještaju o napretku BiH za 2012. godinu ukazuje da nije bilo značajnih pomaka u unapređenju ove oblasti. Treba li podsjećati kolike su mogućnosti za korupciju upravo u ovoj oblasti, a koja, takođe, utječe na narušavanje konkurencije, kako na domaćem, tako i na međunarodnom planu, što ugrožava vanjsku trgovinu BiH, posebno u oblasti pružanja usluga, koje su dobrim dijelom još uvijek u rukama monopola. Pored neujednačenosti dinamike reformskog puta svake države ponaosob, nameće se i problem koji se ogleda u opredjeljenosti država da se takmiče u izvoznoj moći jednih naprema drugih, dok je mogućnost saradnje kroz specijalizaciju privreda zbog zajedničkog nastupa na drugim tržištima, stječe se utisak, izostala. Privredni subjekti su daleko od uvezivanja zbog zajedničkog nastupa na tržištu, od čega bi najveću korist imali potrošači, dobivši kvalitetniju i jefitniju robu, te posebno uslugu. Mnogi pokazatelji o radu Parlamentarne skupštine i Vijeća ministara BiH potvrđuju tezu da BiH zaostaje za svim svojim susjedima po mnogim parametrima. Evropski zakoni, značajni za trgovinu, posebno za trgovinu uslugama, ne usvajaju se potrebnom brzinom. I dalje je prisutan trend po kojem se više zakona obara nego usvaja, usljed čega se stiče dojam da među političkim akterima BiH jednostavno nema ni volje, ni kapaciteta, da nastave reformske procese. Enitetska nadležnost, odnosno primat principa koordinacije naspram subordinacije, predstavlja problem, kako u osiguravanju jedinstvenog tržišta unutar BiH, tako i u vanjskotrgovinskim odnosima BiH. Ovo upućuje na tezu da upravo javne politike BiH zapravo koče ovu državu u njenom procesu trgovinske integracije, kako u regionalnom, tako i u svjetskim okvirima. Zbog ovog problema, BiH ima nove probleme u vidu prepreka koje joj stoje na putu u članstvo u WTO. Upravo su javne politike BiH te koje institucionalno djeluju na rascjepkavanje tržišta BiH, što svakako nije stimulativno za poslovni ambijent i djeluju negativno na širenje trgovine uslugama, koja je u BiH toliko neznatna da ju se čak ne uzima u obzir prilikom analize trgovine sa zemljama CEFTA Sporazuma. Očito je da je na vlastima BiH najveća odgovornost za nastavak reformskog puta i za integraciju tržišta BiH u evropsko i svjetsko. Neophodno je hitno okrenuti pravac djelovanja, a dovoljno je u tom smislu jedostavno pratiti susjede, ispuniti uslove koje pred nas stavlja EU, ne dozvoliti da u pitanje dođe Sporazum o stabilizaciji i pridruživanju, ne dozvoliti da budemo sankcionirani zbog jednostranih mjera u okviru CEFTA, te usvajati zakone koji će unaprijediti ekonomiju i konačno BiH okrenuti ka integrisanju u svjetske tokove, a ne u njenu dalju izolaciju.
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Services of general economic interest in European law have a special legal status because of the public interest involved in their performance. Since the initial instrument of restriction of market freedom of services on a single European market for consumer protection, the concept of services of general economic interest has evolved to the legal principle of respecting access to services of general economic interest, which presupposes a universal service and a protected customer of the household category. After accession to the European Union, the concept of services of general economic interest in Croatian legislation gradually replaces the notion of public services.
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Bulgaria has been caught between the EU’s net-zero carbon ambitions for 2030 and 2050 and the country’s slow democratisation and diffusion of renewables and energy efficiency. To develop effective policy measures, the Bulgarian government needs to draw evidence-based consistent decarbonisation pathways for each economic sector with annual targets for continuous monitoring. This is especially true considering that there is so far little connection between the government’s own strategic documents (i.e., the 2030 National Development Programme, the National Recovery and Resilience Plan and the National Energy and Climate Plan) and the EU’s long-term objectives for a low-carbon transition. This Policy Brief plots Bulgaria’s options along three scenarios with a 2050 horizon using an innovative decarbonisation transition modelling instrument, called The Calculator. It helps bridge the gap between the complicated integrated climate and energy models and the practical dilemmas of policy-makers preparing Bulgaria’s long-term decarbonisation strategy.
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The European Green Deal pledge of the incoming European Commission confirms that energy transition and the European Energy Union will remain centre stage in European policy-making. The combination of new regulatory and technological innovations, the deepening of the interactions between energy and climate policies, and the corresponding shifts in individual and collective behaviour opens new opportunities for business and society to benefit from the energy transition. But they also provoke new governance challenges to both policy makers and citizens. The advent of the prosumer, the energy producing consumer, as a foundation of successful energy transition, requires profound changes at the EU, national, local, and household level. In particular, the need for increasing the social acceptability and public awareness of energy transition policies, puts new emphasis on the energy security four-fold challenge of availability, reliability, affordability and sustainability. Solving this complex challenge requires understanding of the factors influencing household prosumption choices, in the first place. But it also calls for adequate energy transition policy choices and effective tools to steer quickly through the changing energy security landscape.Europe, as a large energy consumer faces different choices from individual member states. Navigating these choices has become more complex and challenging amid continuing environmental challenges, the souring of US – China trade relations and the resurgent Russia confrontation. Consumers have grown more concerned with the rising cost of energy transition, in particular in lower income member states in Central and Eastern Europe. Russia’s strategic political projects in gas supply like Nord Stream 2 and Turkish Stream have divided the European Commission and member states. Similarly, LNG terminals and shale gas development have attracted supporters and opponents, with no common European policy in sight. New nuclear power plants such as Paks II in Hungary, Hinckley Point in the UK, Belene in Bulgaria have underscored the importance of designing and implementing socially inclusive and sustainable policies alongside the economic benefits and energy security.
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In recent decades, Iraqi historical cities have witnessed substantial urban and social changes that have turned them into unattractive places for living and investment, and where development potential has been ignored. The weakness of strategic plans regarding the consideration of the present urban development strategies has led to the random growth of the city, the distortion of cultural heritage sites and the quality of life in cities, generating social and environmental problems. That is why there is a need for the foundation of a territorial development strategy of Iraq and the studied area - the Diyala region and the city of Baquba, which is in accordance with the objectives of sustainable development at the world level and with modern urban regeneration approaches, which implies the improvement of the historical identity and cultural. The outcome of the development strategy of Dyala region and Baquba city must reflect the objectives of sustainable development and have a clear vision and strategic objectives in the short and medium term.
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Non-observed economy and corruption are closely linked and fuel one another. The spread of corruption in public institutions allows economic operators to avoid paying their taxes and then escape punishment. At the same time, corruption is an additional barrier for small entrepreneurs from the non-observed economy to enter the legal one. Such ‘vicious’ relations between corruption and non-observed economy have increased in recent years in the Republic of Moldova and are a major challenge for the country's sustainable development.
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The twentieth anniversary of Central Europe’s accession to the EU should not only be an occasion to celebrate the region’s economic success, but also to reflect upon the developmental challenges awaiting it. The Central European countries’ membership in the EU has been a great economic success. The pace of economic growth has been relatively high, convergence has progressed, foreign trade has developed, direct investment inflows have continued, and unemployment has fallen to very low levels. Moreover, the countries of the region have managed to maintain their fiscal stability. However, this positive picture is marred by the fact that the convergence process has clearly slowed in many of the region’s countries over recent years, while the EU itself has lost momentum in its growth. In light of the serious threats on the horizon, such as supply chain disruptions, the demographic crisis, and Russia’s aggressive policy towards the West, Central Europe cannot rely solely on its position as a subcontractor to foreign corporations. It should learn from the mistakes made by the EU’s southern states, which at a certain point in their development fell into a trap of structural problems which led to prolonged economic stagnation.In this report the authors analyse the economic position of Central Europe in the EU and the main challenges to its development; they propose actions which could be taken as a region to upgrade the economic model. These recommendations concern the EU’s Multiannual Financial Framework, the Single Market, industrial policy and infrastructural development.
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The Russian invasion has caused the largest economic collapse in Ukraine’s history. Its GDP fell by nearly 30% in 2022, although the government has managed to maintain the country’s macroeconomic and financial stability. Although forecasts for this year and next predict economic growth rates of several percent, no significant economic recovery should be expected as long as military operations on the current scale combined with the steady stream of missile attacks continue.
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The Czech Republic is an example of a state in which drought has become a key issue in public debate. In the Czech Republic, 2020 was the seventh consecutive year of a drought that is considered the most severe in 500 years, and which differs from the previous ones in that it is more prolonged and is characterised by considerably higher temperatures. At its peak, every fifth municipality was exposed to the risk of water scarcity, which was particularly evident in southern Moravia and in north-western regions. The situation is further complicated by the fact that for many years Prague was focusing on the construction of a flood control system and on the mitigation of the consequences of floods. At present, the Czech Republic has the smallest freshwater resources of all the inland EU member states. Despite a gradual improvement in the situation, recorded since May 2020, the problem involving groundwater scarcity has not been fully eliminated, and experts – taking account of long-term climate change trends and structural problems faced by the Czech agricultural and forestry sectors – are expecting a recurrence of an even more severe drought in a couple of years at the latest. A closer look at the Czech Republic’s struggle with drought may prompt more comprehensive analyses regarding the water management policy pursued in Central Europe, a region which is becoming increasingly affected by recurrent droughts.
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