LINGUISTIC INTERFERENCES BETWEEN THE ROMANIAN FUNCTIONAL STYLES
In this paper, we are trying to bring into focus some linguistic interferences that are between different Romanian functional styles: scientific, legal and media language.
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In this paper, we are trying to bring into focus some linguistic interferences that are between different Romanian functional styles: scientific, legal and media language.
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Although not long discussed and studied, code switching must have always existed and not been perceived otherwise than normal by its users, speakers with more than one mother tongue that have been able to communicate freely using all languages, mixing their grammar rules or vocabularies and still understanding each other, creating, therefore, a code that existed only in their region.The most common examples are known as Spanglish and Franglish. The Hungarians of Transylvania have also invented several smaller-scale linguistic codes of this kind, spoken in different cities and a larger-scale one, understood by every Hungarian in Transylvania - the Hungarian of Romania, with different word order, vocabulary, word formation both from Romanian and from standard Hungarian, and illustrating all the types of code switching identified by scholars. This article analyses this new linguistic code history of Transylvania and compared to the surrounding areas, giving examples of Transylvanian Hungarian.
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This study aims to define two extremely fertile areas of current research: literary lexicography and historiography of translation. The systemic link, which can be created between them, relies, beyond the inherent differences, on a series of common features. In the last decades, in the digital era, these research areas have traced their terminological concepts and working methods, making the necessary leap towards interdisciplinarity. Their investigation necessarily involves partnership with national libraries, with the entire network of digitization tools.
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The paper brings forth a series of English phrasal verbs and idioms, intended to enhance that mastering vocabulary is pivotal to communication. Building up one’s vocabulary is a never-ending task, generally speaking, and all the more so when learners are determined to immerse themselves in the realm of a foreign language. Bouncing ideas off people and mapping the hustle and bustle of their thoughts amount to as many opportunities for foreign languages learners to increase their language proficiency.
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Those deprived of both hearing and sight who nevertheless manage to speak have drawn the attention of specialists from various fields, especially in light of the astonishing things that these disabled people managed to achieve. It is our belief that these cases are particularly relevant for the field of linguistics, considering the fact that, beyond the aspects pertaining to language acquisition, they also reveal a number of elements likely to shed light on the role of language and provide answers to seemingly unanswerable questions, such as, for instance: how would a human being relate to the world in the absence of language? Furthermore, by way of life experiences, they come to confirm numerous theoretical considerations regarding the definition and understanding of language. Therefore, the aim of our paper is to examine, in light of Helen Keller’s case, of her testimonies, some of these aspects relevant for a definition of the specific nature of language, for the understanding of the essential signifying function of language, which involves the emergence of signifieds, of linguistic contents, within the human conscience. Helen Keller’s life experience, presented in her autobiographical book The Story of My Life (1902), clearly indicates the fact that language is not an instrument of communication, as it is not a given and it is not exterior to the human being, but rather a symbolic and creative activity of the human being.
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Also in Spanish language there is a semantic difference between the terms argot and jargon, but there are several types of slang in both Spain and Latin America. It is well known that each country has its own argot or slangs. Latin America refers to the Spanish speaking countries on the Central and South American continent, namely Mexico, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Panama, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Perú, Chile, Bolivia, Paraguay, Argentina and the Oriental Republic of Uruguay. In Hispanic America, the most important cryptic language are replana in Perú and lunfardo in Argentina. Of course, the Spanish language is homogeneous in the Iberian Peninsula and in the former colony, but Spanish in Hispanic America has developed differences at all levels of language - phonetical, phonological, morpho- syntactical, lexical and semantic because of the influences of indigenous languages (of the Mayan, Aztec and Inca), African slaves, or French, Dutch and English Languages of the neighbors. In both Spain and Latin America we have juvenile argot, colloquial, familiar or informal languages.
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The new kind of literature that came up with the Latin American boom in the mid-twentieth century implied the capture of reality in the smallest details and implicitly of the language of people from the society, from the poorest to the richest and the intellectuals. The richness of the Latin American novel comes from the release of the provincial criteria. Mario Vargas Llosa is an important exponent of Hispanic literature and comprises in his novels an irresistible force and power for the reader through the multitude of techniques used. Argon, jargon or licensed language complements the description of space and characters, helping the reader to get to the smallest detail of the world presented by the author. The force of description, the blending of naturalism with traditional space, the fine portraits of the characters make the novel La fiesta del Chivo (The feast of the Goat) reach the minds of people. Belonging to the dictatorial novel, The feast of the Goat describes the last day of life of Rafael Leñnidas Trujillo Molina, dictator of the Dominican Republic between 1930Ŕ1961, and his death. In spite of this political and social framework, Vargas Llosa describes all the people around the president using the language as a weapon to complete the description of the Dominican Republic society.
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Our approach proposes some theoretical reflections on the concepts which aim at the linguistic loan: neologism, which is used in common language and neonym, which is used in language of specialty and of course the related notions neology and neonymy.
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Under the action of the stylistic-functional factor, the totality of lexical units in the vocabulary is grouped into two major classes: the common language and the specialized language. If the common language is usually defined as the totality of words and word combinations that are commonly used, the specialized lexicon belongs to all the lexical elements that are in one way or another linked to a specific activity by a scientific- (Sluşanschi, Dan 1971, 587-593) and which are used by a group of speakers in their written or oral communication in a field of social, professional and cultural existence. Knowing the inventory of political terminology allows the identification of words that can be framed in political language through use and semantics, but which belong to the common lexicon in other meanings, usually unspecialized in a certain field, which distinguishes them from specialized terms.
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One of the main functions of the names is to create an identity, to make a differentiation and to give a sense of uniqueness. A similar impulse makes the founder of the company Ikea, Ingvar Kamprad, to name each of his products mainly with Swedish names. For this reason the variety of product names in Ikea cannot be considered outside the “Ikea concept”. To understand the answers to the questions Why the products have names? What is the principle of their choice? How often do they change? the reader should get acquainted with the philosophy of the company presented in nine points in the will of its founder. This article is a part of the thesis “The Product Names of Ikea – A Tradition in Development, Onomastic Research.“
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The work analyzes the words representing the colors in the Galaktion Tabidzi’s creativity. The paper begins with the study of the separation of basic colors, but the research is not limited to discussing only primary colors. Apparently, color is sometimes not mentioned in the poems of Galaktion Tabidze, however, other words are used in such a poetic way that it evokes the association of color and acquires the meaning of color. Chromatic and achromatic colors are grouped according to positive and negative content; The symbolic-semantic aspects of vocabulary are analyzed. The study of vocabulary of colors is connected to the semantic of the word “color” itself which is related to many interesting issues. As it is known, a color can be given a symbolic meaning due to its emotional impact. Color-related vocabulary acquires metaphorical and poetic significance in poetry. Each color represents a corresponding event or feature. In the literature it is stimulated by symbolic thought; All face-symbols can be understood differently by the reader and all understandings can be correct. The authors refer to a color variation, where primary colors predominate, including different colors. Consequently, their attitude to a particular color, reflected in their work, is positive or negative. For example, white is the color of purity and purity, and in poetry it plays with a shade of cold, winter, cold, loneliness. the descriptive meaning of red is color, but in symbolic terms, red can be a symbol of war, joy or blood. The analysis of used materials has shown that ,,blue” is a dominant color in Galaktio Tabidze’s poetry. In poetry, blue / blue has acquired a mystical load. In this color is also the notion of memory, which is associated with the ideal. Let us recall, at least, Novalisi's "Blue Flower", Maeterlinck's "Blue Bird", Nikoloz Baratashvili's "Sky Color, Blue Color ..." and others. Thus, among the features that determine the individuality of writers, a certain place is occupied by the use of colors. Although the content of the color symbols undergoes significant changes, from an interpretive point of view, the core of the color symbolism still remains unchanged. In poetry he deals with so many comprehensive issues that his understanding is sometimes different.
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The first objective of this study is a contrastive analysis that will allow us to highlight the similarities (cf. jouer comme un pied/grać jak noga) and also the divergences (cf. faire des pieds et des mains pour qqch/bronić czegoś rękami i nogami) between phraseosomatisms [expressions with body-parts nouns] of intensifying value in French and Polish languages; as the examined phraseosomatisms are not always transparent, the usefulness of such studies for translating and for French language teaching is obvious. The second objective, which is closely related to the first, is to propose a detailed description of some selected expressions, to verify which parameters of such description should be integrated into the microstructure of our future bilingual Polish-French dictionary: Electronic Dictionary of Intensifying Expressions (in Polish: Słownik Elektroniczny Wyrażeń Intensyfikujących, or SEWI).
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Our goal is to compare the words that are central to the discourses initiated by the most essential environmental protection organizations, both international and local, acting in France and in Poland. Our analysis is carried out in three stages: after briefly presenting some of the computerized corpus analysis methods and equipment we used to collect and process our bilingual corpus named ECOTEXT, we check its specificity and then move on to calculating word frequency and interpreting the frequency lists, starting with the analysis of the most frequent toponyms (e.g. France and Polska) and continuing with the most frequently represented nouns and adjectives. Throughout our analysis we return to the notion of interlinguistic equivalence which, as we shall show, does not turn out to be fully operative in confirming or denying the similarity of two discourses studied.
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The objective of this contribution is to contrastively analyze the currency of words formed by the fractolexeme ‑gate in French and Czech languages. Before presenting the results of our research that relies especially on data derived from the SketchEngine (Czech Web 2017; French Web 2017) corpora, we find it necessary to address theoretical questions to frame the concept of fractocomposition in current linguistic studies. We have borrowed the term fractocomposition from the French linguist Jean-François Sablayrolles (2019, p. 149), who defines it as a case of compounds “one of whose elements is a fractolexeme, a fragment of lexie which is valid for the entire lexie”. However, in our discussion we note also other terms that are also used to denote the same concept.
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This paper presents the role a specialised corpus can play in the ontoterminological modelling (Roche 2007b) of the balance of payments (IMF, 2009). It presents the domain of the balance of payments and the characteristics of a corpus of texts produced in English, in French and in German by thirteen central banks and statistics offices, which will be used for terminological work. The analysis leads to a typology of the texts grouped in the corpus. Far from only providing examples for knowledge collected from experts, this corpus will be analysed from the very stage of elaborating the concept system.
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The issue that we aim to investigate in this paper is related to the design of lexical resources which Polish university students use in the process of writing an academic text in French. In the course of the research, we concentrate on the transdisciplinary lexis composed of, on the one hand, cross-disciplinary terminology typical of scientific writings, and, on the other hand, of abstract, non-specialised vocabulary. In this regard, special focus is given to transdisciplinary collocations referring to scientific objects and procedures. The research is conducted on a corpus consisting of BA and MA theses written by Polish university students of French in Romance philology and applied linguistics faculties. The work progressed as follows. Firstly, the types of transdisciplinary collocations present in students’ theses were identified. They were then juxtaposed with the lexical resources gathered in the corpus of scientific texts in French (Corpus Écrits scientifiques en français). Finally, the manner in which students used the investigated collocations was analysed so as to identify the possible difficulties faced by non-native students of French. The objectives of this research are linguistic and didactic at the same time. Specifically, it aims to inventory students’ lexical resources, their scope and, as a result, to consider pedagogical solutions intended to enrich transdisciplinary vocabulary used in the process of writing scientific texts in university context. The analysis performed shows a weak presence of collocations containing scientific names.
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The connections or correlation words used in a complex subjunctive sentence determine the relation of the main and dependent sentence, but in some cases the named syntactic means are not useful in defining their exact function. In some cases where the relative adverb is even in the sentence, but it will be difficult to understand its place as a circumstance, because in these cases its syntactic function is not to convey the circumstances of the place. For example: "Where you have lost so many innocent souls, what am I to leave"; "Where have you done so much, now you back down?"; "Where it is fair, he should be hanged"; "Where you can do this, you can do everything." In adjectives, relative adverbs do not express the actual local point, the exact place, it is more of a conditional place. In addition, it is not considered in the main sentence and it does not appear that the dependent sentence explains and clarifies the circumstances of the place. The dependent components of a named sentence express more of a kind of condition, a precondition, that has happened, will happen, or is happening. The content shows that some action has been taken and the opposite sentence expresses the opposite, mutually exclusive action. In general, the classification mark is functional in a place-dependent sentence - it specifies which member the dependent sentence is addressed to. In the sentences we have cited, we have a formal (intellectual) subordination, only the content of the main sentence complements and clarifies the content through the connection. Therefore, in this case only semantic connections can be considered, but the connection (subordination) of the main sentence with the dependent sentence is syntactic - usually subordinate conjunctions, member-connections are used.
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In English the infinitive, the gerund and the participle are regarded as non-finite forms of the verb (verbals) due to their semantic, morphological and syntactic features. The historical development of verbals, including the process of formation and evolution of their tense, aspect and voice systems are closely related to the verb. Unlike finite forms of the verb, verbals express actions without indicating the person and number, therefore they may be used as any member of the sentence (subject, object, adverbial modifier, attribute) but the predicate. In English historical development of the Infinitive is connected to its inclusion in the verbal system alongside with losing some nominative features. So, the Infinitive with the acquisition of aspect, tense and voice categories lost a form of conjugation at the beginning of the Middle English period.
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The aim of this article is to study the adverbs of time in Shida Kartlian. The research is based on the latest material we have collected in the villages of Didi and Patara Liakhvi, Prone, Dzama, Kavtura, Tedzma and Ateni valleys. Dialectic texts written by Georgian linguists at different times are analyzed to represent linguistic processes chronologically distant in time and space. The production, structure and function of adverbs of time in the Shida Kartlian speech are similar to the Georgian literary language, and different cases indicate the processes that are significant for the Kartlian dialect. Here we find the adverbs of time formed by primary or own production, with a case form (with a case mark or postposition), composing-composition and attachment of particles. The adverbs of time with the Nominative case mark confirmed in the speech of the village of Tsitelubani in Gori Municipalityindicate to the cases of switching the speech codes of Kartlian and Adjarian. The adverbs of time are preserved in an archaic form: Aknamdi // Aknandi, Iknamdi // Iknandi, Aknobamdi//Aknobamde, Aknobamdin//Aknobamdis. We find the peculiar production adverb"chamodagma"in the meaning of the time adverb “after”.Some adverbs of place (arsad, versad, agarsad, vegarsad/nowhere, sadme/anywhere...) are used to denote the adverbs of time (rodesme/ever, arasodes/never, agarasodes/never, verasodes/never, rodisme/ever). For adverbs of time with –a and –i extending vowels are charecterised accentation. These vowels are often exchangedfreelyand represent the same amountin the adverbs of time ending with -t (tsinata-tsinati/ago, dilita-diliti/in the morning), in some cases their use must be explained by analogy and tendency of unification. Some adverbs of time show the Genitive and Dativeformssimultaneously: gogoobisas/during girlhood, bavshvobisas/during childhood. Some postpositions or adverbs in Shida Kartlian manage the Dative case instead of Genitive: Or saats ukan(¬ori saatis ukan)/two hours back; amastsin (= amistsin)/before that; dgestvina (¬dgistvina)/for the day. The adverb of time in Dative often added adverbs ,,aket// aketi// aketia“: dilas aketi/since morning, sagamaos aketi/since evening, gushin aketi/since yesterday, We often found repetition of the adverbs of time in the sentence to express the nuances of the multiplicity of the verb-predicate. For example:dges utkhra/said today, khvalutkhra/said the next day, zegutkhra/said the day after next day. Although Shida Kartli is not ethnically monotonous, the linguistic changes caused by contact with other linguistic units are not confirmed. Linguistic events are documented by locally obtained material, usually accompanied by the name of the village where this or that linguistic event or expression is recorded, but this does not mean that area of its use is limited by only a verified village. The scientific paper is important for the study of Georgian dialectology, lexicology and the history of the Georgian language.
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This article analyses the interventional translation strategies employed in the Ukrainian dubbing of The Simpsons Movie (2007). Based on a parallel corpus of the English original and the Ukrainian dubbing, this paper argues that film translation frequently requires lexical adjustments by the translator in order to maintain the original context or to establish the desired emotional connection with the audience. The interventional strategies chosen for this paper and applied to detected Ukrainian fragments are generalisation, substitution and omission, which are elements of domestication strategies; and specification, which is an element of foreignization strategies. In the process of analysing the parallel corpus for The Simpsons Movie, an additional type of interventional strategy was detected and added as a fifth category: lexical domestication. This strategy relates to elements that have been deliberately created with the aim of introducing foreign replicas closer to the target language.
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