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The article is devoted to the cooperation of two regional cities of former Czechoslovakia, Pilsen in West Bohemia and Prešov in East Slovakia. It was established shortly after the February coup in 1948 and lasted until the end of the totalitarian regime in 1989. What was the meaning and character of this cooperation? Could it really bring something positive, or was it only an obligation “voluntarily” imposed by a totalitarian regime? How do historical sources write about it, and how do witnesses remember it?
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In my contribution, I discuss the topic of work injuries and medical care in the Auxiliary Technical Battalions, which, like other internment facilities of the communist regime (such as prisons and prison camps, civilian forced labor camps, or internment monasteries), is a lesser known and, I dare say, widely neglected topic. I also try to provide readers with a comprehensive view of this topic with the help of testimonies of contemporary witnesses, which can help us to get a complete picture of the situation at the time.
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The Border Protection Corps (KOP) (1924–1939) was a special military formation to protect the eastern border of the Second Polish Republic. In terms of service and in terms of budget, KOP was subordinate to the Ministry of the Interior. In terms of wages, KOP soldiers were subject to the provisions of the Act on the remuneration of state officials and the army. Due to the specific nature of the service and to immunize the KOP soldiers against bribery by smugglers and Soviet agents, they were entitled to border allowances. The article discusses the principles of assigning service and functional allowances.
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Memoirs of Eugeniusz Quirini de Saalbrück illuminate his activity as a cultural and educational clerk in 1940 at the Officers’ Rallying Station in Camp deCarpiagne, the unexpected surrender of France was a great tragedy, Polish soldierswanted to fight and refused to lay down their arms. The Polish government-in-exiledecided to continue the fight with English allies and to evacuate soldiers, includingthose from Camp de Carpiagne to the port of Saint Jean de Luz, from where theyreached Plymouth on ship „Batory”.
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The Balkans as a region of Southeast Europe is one of the most sensitive regions of Europe; this is where the sparks of war arose from the time of the Ottoman Empire until 2001 when a political solution was finally given to each problem of nationalities and inequalities in this region. The former Yugoslavia as an artificial creation of a state, lacking nationality, is one of the sources of conflicts which erupted with bloody wars caused by Serbia. The Yugoslav federation which gained political power after World War II consisted of 6 republics and 2 provinces. According to the Federal Constitution of Yugoslavia, all peoples must be integrated into Yugoslavia. Unfortunately within Yugoslavia there were privileged peoples, and others who were treated as secondary-class people. Albanians in Yugoslavia, most of whom belonged to the Autonomous Province of Kosovo, did not experience the status of equal population in Yugoslavia; Bulgarians were treated the same, most of whom lived in the Socialist Republic of Macedonia. The Republican government in Macedonia influenced by the Federal one has directly influenced Macedonia in the manner of discrimination against national minorities such as Albanians, Bulgarians, Hungarians, Roma, Ashkali, Turks, etc., while the: Serbian, Montenegrin, Macedonian people have been the most privileged ones within the Republic, as well as in the Yugoslav Federation.The communist regime in Yugoslavia denied any minority efforts for equality and prosperity. The most vocal in the quest for rights were Albanians and Bulgarians, who faced torture, draconian punishments, internment, and even murder in Yugoslav concentration camps. Yugoslavia, namely the Socialist Republic of Macedonia from 1945 until 2001, was the most dictatorial regime in the history of Southeast Europe for Albanians and Bulgarians; unfortunately the Bulgarian community in Macedonia, even with the new constitution, has not resolved its political, cultural, educational status etc…
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The paper analyzes Polish literary reportage as a trend evolved from a rather marginalized position of a hybrid genre to a prized form of literary expression in the last decades. More often than not, the genre’s main focus in the unprivileged, problematic or unknown marginal Other, which is visible in the journalistic fiction about Poland’s eastern neighbors. At the same time, the imagining of the Other can be problematic and biased, which is a major concern for the authors, whose position between the belletristic and the journalistic poses different demands on the texts about Russia. The major political, cultural and economic post-1989 transformation in the countries of the former USSR occupy a privileged place among the topics of the genre. The text compares the representation of post-Soviet reality in the literary reportages of Ryszard Kapuściński, Jacek Hugo-Bader and Jędrzej Morawiecki, focussing on the depiction of the marginalized groups in the postcommunist society. The texts argues that each decade after the Soviet Union’s collapse brings forth a different type of marginalization (ethnic and political in the 1990s; social and cultural in the 2000s; religious and ideological in the 2010s).
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Výzkum násilné germanizace dětí odebraných biologickým rodičům komplikuje nedostatek písemných pramenů i svědectví obětí. Tyto děti, umístěné v ústavech a následně předané německým pěstounům, byly často velmi malé, takže si tuto traumatickou část svého života nezapamatovaly. Mnohým z nich pak způsobilo další trauma poválečné odebrání od pěstounů a přesun k rodičům či příbuzným do vlasti.
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The presented article deals with the mutual relations between the State president of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia and each of the individual Reich Protectors and Acting Reichs Protectors. Mainly individual interactions, two-way influence and perception and evaluation of these persons are examined.
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The paper is the first attempt to map Emil Hácha’s relationship to music and the music scene, providing also an overview of how he was perceived by the music scene. It covers the music-related agenda in the Archive of the Office of the President of the Republic. The text also brings a classification of musical compositions associated with Hácha: gifts, adoration pieces on the theme of Emil Hácha and satirical political songs.
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This paper offers an analysis of the phenomenon of political personalization in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war. The authors contend that the celebrity status of political leaders during times of war is aimed at mobilizing society, rather than providing objective reporting. By drawing upon established forms of ‘celebrity’, the study examines the personalized approach to the war through a comparative analysis of the presentations of Putin and Zelenski. The instrumentalization of the media space at both the global and national levels is explored, whereby idealized or demonized representations of the two leaders reflect a departure from objective reporting. The consumption of information and misinformation pertaining to the war events perpetuates media instrumentalization, contributing to a continuous cycle of consumption. This paper provides valuable insights into the complexities of media manipulation in the context of political conflict and its ramifications for public opinion and policy-making.
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This thesis discusses the basic options of work in an application Transkribus, about its benefits, pitfalls and innovations that we presented in the selected sample of archival documents with the topic of citizen complaints during the governance of the Communist party in Czechoslovakia in the 1948-1989. Gradually we have documented the process of working with historical sources in Transkribus, preparation, transcription and the results. Because we focused on typewritten documents only, we compared the results with other ways and options of transcription, we evaluated their usability, which leads to interesting conclusions and results. The thesis is also supported by statistical indicators and pictorial schedules on the basis of which we have did specific conclusions. In the thesis we also present the issue of citizen complaints as a topic of historical research.
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In 1948-53, the Communists used the “danger of the domestic response” to the Cold War, invoking the regime’s fragility and its establishments to justify their repression. In 1958, following a decade of monopoly over power, the outburst of repression indicated both the uncertainty of the regime after the retreat of the Red Army and the desire to show Moscow that things would not get out of control. The repression of 1958-61 had a preventative character meant to avoid an uprising. Despite the tremendous increase in party members, the PMR [Romanian Workers’ Party] had not obtained adhesion in almost any layer of society. The population had solid Anti-Soviet views.The Budapest Revolution showed that the danger for the regime came mainly from the intellectual circles around which the youth, students, and survivors of the elites before the war gathered in times of crisis. Hence, the Securitate prioritised monitoring the “reactionary elements among the intellectuality and educated youth.” A new practice was public reveals organised in various cities, targeting the intellectuals. The purpose was to destroy the reputation of the people who represented an alternative to the official culture. The politicians who survived or had been released from prisons in 1953-55 became the target of elaborate surveillance and persecution, and many were arrested.
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Review of: Doru Radosav,Transilvania are forma inimii. Istorie și peisaj în spațiul transil-vănean al secolului XVIII: percepții, sensibilități, reprezentări, Cluj-Napoca, Editura Școala Ardeleană, 2022, 422 p. Toader Nicoară , Curtea și societatea de curte în Țările Române, I, Secolele XVI-XVII, Cluj-Napoca, Editura Accent, 2021, 570 p. Laurențiu Vlad, Istorii românești ale ideii de „Europa”, secolele XVII-XXI (imagini, note, reflecții), Iași, Editura Institutul European, 2021, 340 p. Judit Pál, Vlad Popovici, Andrei Florin Sora; (coord.), Servitorii statului. Funcționari, funcții și funcționarism în România modernă (1830-1948), Cluj-Napoca, Editura Mega, 2022, 452 p. Ovidiu Pecican, Românii și Europa mediană. Contribuții la tipologia culturală a Europei, Iași, Editura Polirom, 2021, 400 p. Constantin Ardeleanu, O croazieră de la Viena la Constantinopol. Călători, spații, imagini, 1830-1860, București, Editura Humanitas, 2021, 304 p. Isabelle Dasque, Les Diplomates de la République (1871-1914), Paris, Sorbonne Université Presses, 2020, 766 p. Ina Chirilă, Gh. Ghibănescu (1864-1936) – cercetător al istoriei Moldovei medievale, cuvânt-înainte de Ștefan S. Gorovei, Iași, Editura Universității „Alexandru Ioan Cuza”, 2022, 584 p. Cristina Preutu, Ionuț Nistor (coord.), Istorii ale regimului comunist din România, Iași, Editura Universității „Alexandru Ioan Cuza”, 2020, 280 p. Ioana-Ruxandra Fruntelată, Despre interpretarea etnologică, București, Editura Etnologică, 2020, 220 p.
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