We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
Based on the memory of participants and literature produced on the same topic, the author has attempted to present the contours of an erected stage in the small American town of Dayton, Ohio, in order to end the war against Bosnia and Herzegovina. Through the presentation of a few events, the author has attempted to illuminate the path trodden by the international brokers and their teams, the way that they managed to make the framework for the negotiations, as well as the context of the negotiations themselves which were successfully finished in the “last attack”. The author presents dilemmas and concepts of the sides engaged in the conflict and the mediators. The text show the willingness of the “great ones” to satisfy their own interests, without wanting to achieve the implementation of a po litical system in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the relations that would lead it towards healing and prosperity.
More...
Based on unpublished Ottoman tax registers (tapu tahrir defteri) kept at the Ottoman archives in Istanbul, the article examines the process of transformation of the Byzantine town of Adrianople into the Ottoman Edirne; the change in the architectural and ethnoconfessional layout of the city; the location of a part of the Muslim and Christian population and of the urban quarters inhabited by them; the Jewish communities and the dynamics in the quantitative indicators of the registered households; the condition, designation and functions of the ancient and medieval fortress of Adrianople and the way in which it fit into the new Ottoman urban setting.
More...(Международният отзвук и „българският реванш“ за Балканските войни)
The First World War has its pre-history, in which the local conflicts point out the main interests and goals, for which a peaceful solution hadn’t been found until that moment. The Balkan wars (1912–1913) are not only a typical example for that, but also a sign for the upcoming Europe-wide bloodshed. The following article covers the period between the end of the Balkan wars and the beginning of World War I and has as a goal to present some of the problems that reflect the public sentiments in Bulgaria. The article presents the oppositional public positions, seen through the eyes of the editors of the daily newspaper of the People’s Party – “Mir”, the daily newspaper of the Democratic party – “Pryaporets” and the weekly magazine “Svobodno mnenie”. The information, which the three publications offer, presents the events commented from the point of view of the political and most of all the nationalistic ideals of its editors. The analysis of the facts is usually too emotional and this is understandable considering the moment of national grief.Two are the main problems, which most of all capture the attention of the authors and the editors. Firstly, the desire to research and analyze the well-meaning attitude of the foreigners towards Bulgaria, which was especially important considering the anti-Bulgarian attitude in regard to the Second Balkan War and secondly, the need for a peaceful solution of the problems this war has caused. The newspapers describe the sentiments in the Bulgarian political and social circles and the fluctuations between outright neutrality and military intervention, without giving a definite answer on which side to be.
More...
In the first years of his rule, Ceausescu managed to build a social solidarity around the party through political rehabilitations, public condemnation of the invasion of Czechoslovakia and direct involvement of the party in solving the problems of the common people (welfare, houses, and stable jobs). Encouraged to write by press campaigns as well as official declarations, the ordinary citizen of the seventies and eighties felt safe under the protection of the state/leader/party. Some of them use the elogious terms spread by the propaganda apparatus and voluntarily associate themselves with support for the activities of the party and the general secretary. People identify unconditionally with the leader’s actions, supported and approved of them, and are full of gratitude for living in, or preparing to live in, a golden age. The psychology of adherence can be explained by the social changes and the effects of modernisation (urbanisation, industrialisation, electrification) which Romanian society benefited from. The deliberate hiding of daily realties and of generalised shortages are part of respecting the existing social contract between society and regime. These letters are the result of personal initiatives, they express voluntary servitude and illustrate the accommodation of the ordinary citizen with the rules imposed by the party.
More...
The article examines and revises some opinions presented in historiography in the past two decades on issues of the history of Bulgarian national revolutionary movement in 1875 related to the serious conflict that arose between its most prominent representatives at that time – Lyuben Karavelov and Hristo Botyov. The author mainly opposes to the contentions of some of the most respected contemporary scholars of National Revival period – prof. Kr. Sharova and prof. Pl. Mitev – that: in 1875 Hr. Botyov departed from the correct revolutionary positions of BRCK and its chairman L. Karavelov; Hr. Botyov questioned the usefulness of spreading knowledge among his countrymen; led a policy of separatism in the revolutionary organization; supported smear campaign against the chairman of BRCK and sought to remove him and take his leading position, etc.
More...Интервю на д-р Анатолий Кънев с проф. дин Иван Стоянов, председател на фондация "Васил Левски"
Interview abut the history and its place in our lives, how we should think of it, about its objectivity and how people can't "bend" history so it match their ideas and points of view.
More...
In the first five years after World War II, a process of a state-legal transition or unification with Slovenia and Croatia in the context of Yugoslavia took place in Istria. During this very sensitive period of the division of its territory, uncertainty, socio-political transformation and establishment of the new authorities, numerous illegalities, repression and crimes were committed against everyone who tried to hinder or prevent these processes. The repression was aimed against the former wartime enemies, war criminals, collaborators, fascists, ideological, political and national enemies, and often also against the former allies and fellow fighters – in short, against anyone preventing or hindering the political agenda of the Communist Party. The Department for the Protection of People (OZNA) and, since March 1946, State Security Administration (UDV) represented the pillar of the repression policy of the new authorities and a characteristic example of secret political police, which was formed during the establishment and in the first years of the new state and entrusted with the task of “defending” the state from external and internal enemies. The second pillar of repression consisted of administrative departments of people’s committees, while the third one was made up of municipal, district and administrative unit courts.
More...
The military aggression of Russia against independent Ukraine has starkly exposed the naivety of the expression “never again,” which has been repeated for over eighty years. The bestiality exhibited by Russian soldiers and the cynical propaganda emanating from the Kremlin since the beginning of the invasion have resulted in both literal and symbolic resistance from the free world and a surge of international solidarity with Ukrainians, both online and off. Notably, there has been an increase in subvertising campaigns targeting brands that have failed to withdraw their products from Russia, as it signifies support for Russian war crimes. Vladimir Putin, often juxtaposed with Hitler as “Putler,” has emerged as a prominent figure on numerous posters, and murals and the butt of memes, while the Kremlin’s foreign policy has explicitly been labeled as Rashism. Active media users have creatively altered, reinterpreted, and enriched cultural texts, generating new content and meanings. The current article examines several examples of visual communication expressing resistance to the Russian regime and its war crimes, along with highlighting the involvement of institutions, brands and media that support it.
More...
This article examines the challenges of coming to terms with Holocaust perpetratorship as depicted in postmemorial third-generation Holocaust literature by Lithuanian diaspora writers Rita Gabis, Julija Šukys, and Silvia Foti. It also outlines the mnemonic strategies used to reconcile contradictory historical narratives from the perspectives of both the victims and the perpetrators. The analysis demonstrates the authors’ approaches to portraying victims and perpetrators, their choices in framing conflicting historical accounts, and their exploration of individual actions within the context of collective national identities. The main variations observed in the structuring of conflict stem from differences in writing styles, levels of personal connection to familial history, and collective experiences of suffering. These variations are also intertwined with the deliberate silence surrounding the individual-historical narrative which the collective voluntarily retreated into.
More...
In this article, a second-generation author explores the conflicts and challenges of post-war Jewish identity and the inheritance from her father, through the medium of literature by and about sons and daughters of Holocaust survivors.
More...
This study proposes an analysis regarding the positions of the communist regime’s historiography in the question of the agrarian reform from 1921 and the role of the monarchy inside it. A general view, often selective, could only exacerbate the stereotype regarding the fact that the communist historiography may have been exclusively antimonarchic. Several case studies had proven that the historical truth was able to find itself in what regards the role of Carol I in the Independence War, or even in the topic of the coronations. This study shows that the rehabilitations, even with the hidden intent to naturally uproot the monarchy from the collective mentality of the Romanian society, was able to tackle a subject that was criticized even by the socialists and the communists from its historical period. And, as we will notice, Nicolae Ceaușescu’s historians were not afraid to attack the communists that were linked with the International back in the 20’s, all while the same historians would recognize the role of King Ferdinand in what regards his promises made in the trenches of the Great War and even to the pressure he made in applying the agrarian reform (that was also recognized for its positive effects on the Romanian society).Thus, the expected results consist in the continued improvement of the (still in working) chronology regarding the position of the communist historiography in the matter of the monarchic institution, as well as pinpointing some grave mentality (and even historical) mistakes that are still haunting the contemporary historiography and the position of the mass-media in what regards the agrarian reform. Also, we will pinpoint several work methodologies of the communist historians and their continued adaptation, strongly linked with the positions of the Romanian Communist Party.The main sources consist of the general historiography of the regime (including authors like Vasile Liveanu, Georgeta Tudoran, Ion Bitoleanu, Gheorghe Unc, Ioan Scurtu, C.C. Giurescu, Damian Hurezeanu, Nicolae Dascălu, Dumitru Almaș, Aron Petric, Mircea Mușat, Ion Ardeleanu, Ioan Saizu or Ilie Puia), Revista de Istorie (Studii) [The History Journal (Studies)], Magazinul istoric [A Historical Magazine] and communist textbooks.
More...
The article aims to analyse the main features of international relations after Russia's aggression against Ukraine in 2022. The author's hypothesis is that after the annexation of Crimea to Russia in 2014, the stage of cold peace established at the end of the first Cold War ended, paving the way for the new or second Cold War. This last war shows similarities with the period of the bipolar Soviet-American confrontation, but there are also relevant elements of differentiation: a multipolar rivalry, the decrease in the importance of the ideological factor, the fragmentation of international politics. In the study, the author offers arguments for the relevance of history in understanding the new Cold War. At the end, the article shows that during the new Cold War there were substantial changes in the geopolitical role of Romania, which became a border state with a region of conflict, a situation that has wider political and economic implications.
More...
As historiography tends to claim that journalist, and communist politician Mieczysław F. Rakowski (1926–2008) was a “distinct figure” in the People’s Republic of Poland. It is mostly so because of his unique ability to self‑create his own story and his own political image. Such a discourse was mainly shaped by his Dzienniki polityczne (Political Diaries), an extensive, complex text combining elements of a diaristic source and memoirs written after many years, quite often close to pamphlets. The deconstruction of message created by Rakowski turns out to be an indispensable introduction to building a biographical narration that can be woven around the categories of exceptionality and typicality. Thereby, Rakowski’s exceptionality finds its confirmation, but at the same time it gains a meaning different from the one the hero himself would prefer. The very deconstruction of Rakowski’s retrospective self‑creation makes it possible to universalize his experience and to treat it like a point of departure into the wider history of Central European communism.
More...
The Czechoslovak Ministry of the Interior (MV), particularly the State Security (StB), had already been working closely with the security apparatuses of communist countries before February 1948, despite often strained political relations between individual states. Cooperation developed on the basis of party affiliation. This changed after the Communists took power. Within the emerging Soviet bloc, which did not yet represent a power monolith, there was an intensive exchange of information about the organization, work methods, and the education system and professional training, internal and external enemy, etc. Unfortunately, recognizing these ties is limited by the lack of preserved archival material that could serve as a starting point. We know that many meetings took place, but we do not know their proceedings and outcomes. Until the arrival of Soviet advisers in Prague in the second half of 1949, the structure and system of security work were mainly adopted from the surrounding so-called ‘people’s democratic’ countries. Their security services were expected to operate based on Soviet experience, and in this way, the local methods were imported into Czechoslovakia. The beginning of the 1950s brought the consolidation of the Eastern Bloc, the patterns now began to be taken directly from the Soviet Union, without the need for additional intermediate articles. Cooperation and leaning towards the USSR facilitated not only by Soviet advisers, but also by the new state security terminology adopted from Russian or the use of this language during joint negotiations within the Soviet countries block. Czechoslovak security forces - and state security in particular - thus became, as was the case in the surrounding countries, dependent on the Moscow headquarters.
More...
The research which has been carried out on three novels by women about KL Auschwitz-Birkenau concentration camp: Zofia Kossak’s Z otchłani [Out of the Abyss], Seweryna Szmaglewska’s Smoke over Birkenau, and Krystyna Żywulska’s I Survived Auschwitz shows that these texts alter the reality of the camps and the means used to do it, are diverse, but all of them are literary. Therefore, I argue for the need to the synthesis of concentration camps literaturę written by women in the wider context of Polish literature, particularly of Holocaust literature. In this way my research might prove valuable because of the new level of awareness about: female experiences of concentration camps and of the literary nature of concentration camps literature and of the Polish concentration camp literature in general.
More...
In this article, I present the content of Stanisław Gliwa’s archive, who was a Polish émigré graphic artist and typographer. I try to show that many of these documents can be useful in research on the genesis of literary works. Uncatalogued materials stored in the Provincial Public Library in Toruń are little known to researchers, but may be interesting to editors who would like to follow the dossier of works created abroad, in conditions of limited access to the public. I focus on boxes with correspondence, which, apart from letters, contain additional documents, for example: physical mock-ups, proofs, contracts, and settlements. Using specific examples, I prove how many different accidents can occur from the moment the author submits the seemingly ready text of the work for publication.
More...
The subject of the article is to show the existence of soldiers of the Polish Underground State Pomerania District in the men’s Extended Police Prison in Radogoszcz in Łódź during World War II. Soldiers, classified as political prisoners, were particularly vulnerable to brutality from the prison staff and the Secret State Police, which investigated them. The article highlights the relations between prisoners, as well as the ties between prisoners and their families, especially in the context of their secret correspondence. In January 1945, those soldiers who were not deported to concentration camps by special transports died during the liquidation of the prison. Families, upon hearing that the prison had been set on fire, set off for Łódź to identify the bodies of their relatives in the ruins.
More...
On September 21, 1946, the National National Council announced the Economic Reconstruction Plan, which went down in history as the Three-Year Plan. Its main assumption and goal was to “raise the standard of living of the working classes of the population above the pre-war level”. The first post-war years were marked by the strengthening of the new communist govern-ment. However, the semblance of democracy was maintained and it was legal to operate other political parties, which also had a real influence on the governance of the country at that time. However, successively the communist authorities took over new offices. One of the offices re- maining outside the power of the communist party was precisely the CUP, filled by people sym- pathetic to the pre-war PPS. The CUP intended to focus on consumer industries in order to incre-ase the standard of living in the country and thus stimulate the economy. Its implementation was to be obligatory only for the state sector, the cooperative sector was to be covered only partially, and the private sector would operate almost on a free market basis. However, such assumptions were unacceptable to the new communist government’s position of increasing the means and volume of industrial production. With time, it turned out that the communist vision of a centrally control-led economy prevailed over the plan, where all its areas were to implement the plan according to detailed guidelines. The article analyzes the evolution of the policy and attitude of the communist authorities in Poland after 1945 towards the private sector (mainly industry and trade), which ultimately led to its liquidation. The state and socialist economy was to protect the economic life in the entire Soviet bloc from all the shortcomings and problems typical of a capitalist economy.
More...