We kindly inform you that, as long as the subject affiliation of our 300.000+ articles is in progress, you might get unsufficient or no results on your third level or second level search. In this case, please broaden your search criteria.
The author describes the accomplishments of Slovene historians who pursue answers to open questions of twentieth-century history, drawing special attention to questions which have been the least examined in the Slovene historiography. In addition, he comments on the relationship between current political events and the historiography of Slovenia.
More...
The author concentrates on the treatment of contemporary Croatian/Yugoslav history in several monographs, overviews, and summaries of Croatian history published over the past ten years. In addition, he completes a short re¬view of research on contemporary history included in the scientific-historical projects financed by the Republic of Croatia’s Ministry of Science, Education, and Sport. He concludes that when guided exclusively by scholarly criteria, the matrix of Croatian historiography is developing in a satisfactory manner.
More...
The author describes the fate of German children who in 1946 were taken from detention camps for Germans in Vojvodina and assigned to orphanages across Yugoslavia. The case study serves as an illustrative example of the particularities of the “new” Yugoslav movement that commenced after the Second World War. The author explores the dynamic transformations that occurred in internal affairs and in the realm of gender politics.
More...
Before the Second World War, German-speaking people, especially Austrians, were a significant national minority in Yugoslavia. After the war, about half of this community left the region. Those who remained were Germans who considered themselves to be innocent, namely the elderly, women, and children. Nevertheless, most of them were isolated in camps until 1948, where many died from the hard conditions of forced labor. For a long time, historical research on the former German minority fell on the margins of historiography. The author reviews publications, documents, and the general scholarly literature on this topic that is emerging from Germany, Serbia, Croatia, and Slovenia.
More...
Most of the archival materials relating to the era of socialist development of Bosnia and Herzegovina are held at the Archive of Bosnia and Herzegovina. With access to these historical sources it is possible to understand the deep poverty and misery of Bosnian-Herzegovinian society after the Second World War. By consulting these sources, the author aims to complete the historical picture on this period, which is missing from the previous research in the Bosnian historiography.
More...
The Church of Bosnia as a historiographic subject appears at the beginning of the second half of the 19th century. There are hundreds of bibliographic units that deal with solving the problem of origins, creation, activities and dissappearance of this religious medieval sect. Serbian historiography, following the lead of an attorney at law from Zadar, Božidar Petranović, cleaves to the premise that the Church of Bosnia was - Orthodox. The final consequence of this highly disputable claim is setting “scientific grounds” for the great Serbian appropriation of Bosnia and Herzegovina as “pure” Serbian territories in both national and political sense. The assertion made by Franjo Rački, the first president of the Yugoslavian Academy of Art and Science, that the adherents of the Church of Bosnia were, in fact, dualist heretics of Bogomil provenance that in great numbers subscribed to Islam after the demise of the Medieval Bosnian state and reinstatement of Ottoman rule, was especially appealing in certain Muslim/Bosniak circles. Mass computerization and the emergence of the Internet enabled the adherents to the Church of Bosnia with contemporary means of recycling old theses on religious, national and political affiliation of the adherents of the Church of Bosnia. In order to avoid the tendentious claims about the identity of the Church of Bosnia, it is crucial for contemporary historiography to turn to authentic historical resources as the only reliable foundation for scientifically grounded answers to numerous questions on the origin, existence and demise of this religious community.
More...
In the past decade, Macedonian historiography has been enriched by new studies that offer scholarly and thoughtful interpretations of the Macedonian struggle against fascism (NOAR) and its role in the larger coalition against fascism. This scholarship adheres to the principles and methodologies used in contemporary European and Balkan history, adopting a healthy and critical spirit to objectively and impartially examine the subject. Dimitrijevski traces how this scholarship is leading in new directions for the general understanding of the Macedonian anti-fascist movement. In doing so, he notes that this historiography is critical to the development of Macedonia’s national identity, national consciousness, and inter-community relations as well as for issues of human rights, democracy, freedom, equality, peace, and tolerance in the region.
More...
It seems to be a common tendency of the historiography of the Second World War in Yugoslavia and several other countries that certain types of victimisation were left out of history writing for several decades. Particularly experiences of defenceless and humiliated victims were apparently too shameful and painful to be conceived for a long period after the war. From the 1970s and particularly in the 1980s, however, massacres and victims became central in historiography and popular history in Yugoslavia and elsewhere. While this is probably partly the result of a necessary distance in time, it seems also to accompany a change in international discourse, which ascribes moral and symbolic esteem to the role of victims. Yugoslav historiography naturally had its particular characteristics. There were ideological imperatives, some of which would have been similar to those of other socialist countries, while others were indeed special for Yugoslavia: The need to emphasise an autochthonous revolution independent of the Soviet Union, a history of brutal violence and strong antagonisms between different groups within Yugoslavia, the changing political climates, not least following Tito’s death. Nevertheless the similarities in the developments of Second World War historiography in Yugoslavia and elsewhere are striking. Therefore I believe that Yugoslav historiography has participated in and been influenced by these common tendencies. In the Yugoslav case the heroic deeds of the partisans remained the positive focus of World War II history into the 1970s. When finally genocide and victims’ suffering entered the historians’ agenda in the 1980s, however, these issues formed a particularly powerful theme within history and public debate. This was partly because re-evaluation of this historic period also meant rethinking of the background of the political system, and partly because reviving these gruesome historic experiences would inevitably influence national relations among the Yugoslav peoples.
More...
This work attempts to clarify the complex and loaded meanings behind the phrase “They who retreated in 1945,“ which is still used in the Gračanica area. First, Hamzić explains the concept of “retreat.” After establishing the truth of the fates of the individuals who fall in this category, he works to demystify them. He notes that while there is little need to rehabilitate these people today, there is a historical need to understand them. Indeed, when we analyze this category, the question of liberation and occupation in April and May 1945 seems redundant. Hamzić analyzes the people and goals behind the “fabrication” of this term and the purpose it served. He concludes that it is imperative to clarify this debate because it continues to effect Bosnian families today.
More...
In this article, the author examines the changes that occurred within the Bosnian and Herzegovinian Croatian community during the Second World War that led individuals to sympathize with different warring factions. Although the entire Croatian nation gradually joined the Partisan cause, this process happened more quickly in the coastal regions of Istria and Dalmatia and several smaller Croatian inland areas. For a number of reasons the Bosnian and Herzegovinian Croats lagged behind their Croatian counterparts in joining the Partisan movement. Except for individuals who had been Communists in the pre-war period, Bosnian and Herzegovinian Croats did not side with the Partisans until the autumn of 1943. After that point, the number of Croats in the Partisans steadily increased until the end of the war.
More...
In this article, Emily Balić examines social conditions in Sarajevo during the final months of World War II. By January 1945, a constellation of factors including the Croatian state’s inability to monitor local governments or distribute resources; the German occupation; and the refugee crisis created by the Yugoslav civil war, had rendered Sarajevo’s local government nearly bankrupt and totally ineffective. To fill this leadership void, private clubs and societies (“društva”) took over important social services. The društva had their own financial and material resources from membership dues, private donations, and the strategic takeover of property and businesses during the war. Run by small groups of community elites with close ties to local politicians and religious leaders, the društva had access to thousands of Sarajevans through religious, cultural, and political circles. They organized schools, lectures, and exams, distributed food, and built and maintained refugee camps and children’s homes. Moreover, they were the principal liaison between Sarajevo’s citizens and the government, a position they used to shape local policy, mold public attitudes, and preserve social mores and conservative values as the war drew to a close. When the Communist Partisans arrived in Sarajevo, they allowed many of the društva (albeit with new leadership) to continue their work in the city in order to maintain order. Thus, the društva served as an important bridge from fascism to Communism and from the dying Independent State of Croatia to the emerging Yugoslavia.
More...
Editor 1918: La Société des Savants, Gens de Lettres er Artistes Bulgares. Author: Siméon Radeff has been former Minister of the Bulgarian Government.
More...
The 14 volumes of Auguste Gauvain represent an <strong>11 Years Political Diary</strong> of the very origins of Modern Europe as it evolved in early 20th century from a multitude of disintegrations (OTTOMAN EMPIRE…), competitions between colonialist powers (BERLIN-BAGDAD….), diplomatic pinpricks (AFFAIRE AGADIR….), side-theatres of war (BALKAN WARS 1912/13…) and, finally, the unique and global catastrophe of WorldWar I.<br>The idea of Modern Europe originated simultaneously from the efforts of thousands of individual politicians, diplomats, intellectuals to find applicable ways to prevent those European « Bloodlands » (<i>Timothy D. Snyder</i> ) during their own age as well as and for the future of Europe.<br>In 1908, when Austria-Hungary implemented the annexation of Bosnia-Herzegovina, the French journalist and Foreign-Policy expert Auguste Gauvain considered this decision of the Habsburg Empire as the beginning of a process which, more or less unavoidably, would result in a European War. Hence, he began writing a daily column on the “Event of the Day” in European politics for the French journal « Les Debats ». With few and short interruptions during WW I he did so on each day until the end of the Versailles Peace negotiations in 1919. In early 1920s he published the full collection of all these columns in 14 volumes with the title <strong>« L’Europe au Jour le Jour ».</strong><br>CEEOL has decided to re-publish all these 14 volumes and nearly 10.000 pages as a contemporary key document for understanding the very origins of Modern Europe, the historical progress it represents and the historical necessities and forces which triggered its development. Even its supra-national institution-building after WW II cannot be really understood without this historical background of a few decades before. <br><br><strong>FOR DETAILS REGARDING THIS VOLUME PLEASE DOWNLOAD PDFs FROM THE «Contents»-TAB HERE ↓↓ BELOW</strong>
More...
published by PROSVETA (Belgrade 1946). // This book is a selection from those articles by Tihomir Đorđević which present mostly cultural opportunities in Serbia a hundred years ago. The articles are taken from the books "Our People's Life", "The Serbia of King Milos" and from a literary supplement "Politika". All articles were published as published by Tihomir Djordjevic; only a few shorter places have been left out, which have a very close character. As the book is intended for a wider circle of readers, references and sources are reduced to a minimum.
More...
This book has no pretence of being merely a dry historical record of events. It is rather in the nature of a series of historical pictures, sketching in broad outline the times of stress and danger through which Serbia has passed, and the stand she has invariably made for her own rights and those of others. A plentiful suppy of ‘Notes’ helps to fix in the mind the historical background. // This is not a book to skim and then to discard. It is rather a book to browse on at leisure, to help us probe into the history and ideals of a small nation, ignorant for the most part of our nation, but which places an almost childlike faith on our sense of honesty and fair-dealing: a country which has won the right of being judged by the actions, past and present, of her heroic inhabitants, today risking their all for freedom to five. The author of this book, who is a Serb and knows his people well, in quoting Mr. Churchill’s words „Yugoslavia found her soul,“ added that the Serbs had never lost it. May I express the wish that it is for us to help them guard it. (from Lord Milne's foreword)
More...
As for the historical claims, we will certainly be happy when chance establishes an absolute or relative agreement between them and the new route, but there will be, in short, only aesthetic satisfaction. Today's world has neither the time nor the inclination to perpetuate the memory of more or less ancient spoliations, of more or less long usurpations. One of the essential conceptions which inspire the increasing efforts at the present time to organize an unprecedented international regime, is precisely that by virtue of which the so-called rights acquired by arms are held to be null. Finally and above all, whenever the reconciliation of systems based on geographical unity, the homogeneity of race, language, religion, the needs of military or naval defense, agricultural, industrial, commercial resources, has failed in the face of impossibilities or an excess of difficulties, the solution of the problem will be required from the popular will. There is one principle that dominates all others in our time. It is this, for example, much more than the principle of nationalities, which makes legitimate, sacred, in the eyes of all people of good sense and good faith, of all honest people, the aspirations of Alsace and from Lorraine, Slesvig, Transilvanie, Trentino. We propose to study, in the following chapters, what Yugoslavia can and should be for anyone who refers to the above ideas and feelings. (from author's introduction)
More...
FIFTEEN historians, political scientists, and other scholars have contributed chapters to this book, designed to introduce contemporary Yugoslavia to the general reader. The result is uneven. This reviewer feels that bad judgment has occasionally been displayed in the choice of materials. Many of the individual chapters, on the other hand, are highly rewarding. // The historical chapters, by R. J. Kerner, B. E. Schmitt, and J. C. Adams, resemble tightly packed summaries of these authors’ previous books and articles. These were important contributions but were intended for specialists. The impropriety of including them here in this form is glaring, since their inclusion has apparently necessitated the exclusion of material more important for the beginning student of Yugoslavia. Of the seventy pages on “historical background” more than fifty deal with the origins, course, and aftermath of the First World War. Almost no space is devoted to the medieval period or to the period of Turkish domination: nowhere in the book, for example, can one find a clear statement of what happened at the battle of Kosovo, June 28, 1389, or of the implications of the Serbian defeat, though scholars generally agree that this is the critical moment of Serbian history from the psychological as well as from the military point of view. Nowhere is there an analysis by a historian of the Byzantine influence on the Serbs (although we are repeatedly told that it existed), nowhere a full discussion of the role played by the Orthodox Church in the development of nationalism. Yet we have a full statement of the types and quantities of ammunition available to the Serbian army in July, 1914, and a rehearsal of differences of opinion between the “academic” and “nonacademic” members of the American delegation at the peace conference. Some of this distortion is removed by the excellent brief chapter of Alex Dragnich, on “Social Structure”, which, alone in the book, gives due weight to the earlier period. (REVIEW by ROBERT LEE WOLFF in The American Historical Review, Vol 55, 1 [1949])
More...
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 pushed Europe into a new era of instability. The fundamentals of the continent’s political and economic order are shifting as Russia’s brutal methods of war undermine the prospects of the slightest cooperation between Moscow and European states. Decades-old trade links have been severed, transport corridors rerouted, and people to people contacts have become more scarce than ever. Europe is reshaping its security architecture around Russia as the main threat, while Moscow frames its aggression against Ukraine as an existential defensive war with a duplicitous West. The only European region that stands out in this process of growing mutual alienation is the Western Balkans. More than a year into the war, Russia’s relations with several Balkan states appear to have undergone little change. Serbia is eagerly continuing with energy deals with Gazprom, Bosnian Serb leaders frequent Moscow on official visits, and some leading Montenegrin parties are sticking to pro-Russian slogans. It would appear that time stands still in the Western Balkans, with petty local grievance sover riding major global developments. Yet the veneer of continuity conceals mounting challenges to the status quo that has served local elites so well for so long. Russia’s attack on Ukraine under the pretext of protecting the self-proclaimed Donbas republics alerted Europe to the reality that even a frozen conflict may quickly spiral out of control if manipulated by a hostile external power. This gave an extra impulse to the EU’s determination to put an end to the long standing disputes in the Balkans. New sticks and carrots are in use to push local leaders toward mutual accommodation. The EU has also become more assertive in insisting that European integration is incompatible with preserving close ties to Russia. In the Balkans, meanwhile, the war is diminishing the benefits of cooperation with Russia. With a vast part of its resources and international clout consumed by the aggression, Moscow can hardly remain as attractive a partner for the Balkan states as it was prior to 2022.Russia’s deepening economic rift with the EU countries is driving it out from the Balkan markets. Even the region’s traditional dependence on Russian hydrocarbons is on its last legs, and the reluctance of several Balkan states to join anti-Russian sanctions does little to change that. Moscow’s shocking brutality in Ukraine and flagrant denial of its own aggression have put an end to its role as a co-mediator in the settlement of the Balkan conflicts. Now, even pro-Russian forces in the region refrain from pleading for the Kremlin’s diplomatic assistance, striving instead to diversify their ties in favor of other international allies. The only sphere in which Russia-Balkan cooperation continues to thrive is propaganda. Moscow needs its Balkan allies in order to claim that its isolation in Europe is far from complete and that there are places where it is still welсomed as a partner. A number of Balkan politicians, for their part, have invested too much in cultivating and manipulating pro-Russian sentiment in the region to be able to wean themselves off this PR-dependency without sustaining any losses themselves. The propaganda cooperation is asymmetrical, with Moscow having little control over its Balkan partners and the ways they exploit Russia’s image to advance their own agenda. Nevertheless, the Kremlin appears to have no issue with that, viewing other options as too risky and costly. As a result, Russia is likely to retain a semblance of presence in the Western Balkans for years to come, even if it is confined to pronouncements in the local media. The PR interdependency between the Kremlin and Balkan leaders may prove too elusive to be curbed by sanctions or other formal commitments.
More...
The case of the murder of the Klapuh family on 6 July 1992 remains one of, if not the most shocking, war crimes committed on the territory of Montenegro. The brutality is not only reflected in the act of murdering three innocent members of a family, but also in the fact that this murder was committed by those who were supposed to provide them with protection and safely transport them to the territory of Montenegro. Their killers, in fact, gave them false hope that by crossing the border of Bosnia and Herzegovina and arriving in the war-torn territory of Montenegro, they would finally be safe, only to brutally kill them after crossing the border, not far from the border crossing.
More...
