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In this article Prof. Popmihaylova is concerning the village of Tsarkvino, which can't be found on the maps nowadays, and the Musa Baba teke that was located there.
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In this article Prof. Popmihaylova is concerning the village of Tsarkvino, which can't be found on the maps nowadays, and the Musa Baba teke that was located there.
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The Polish Lutheran Church between the years 1945-1956 was unable to gain the full confidence of its new German worshippers. This resulted in the treatment of this Church as a foreign and imposed one. When, in the course of time, the worshippers came to terms with the status quo, acceptance of the Church increased, but as a factor distinguishing them from Polish Catholics. The distance dividing them from migrant Poles, caused by national factors and historical experiences, was increased by religious differences. A significant role in this situation was played by the Small Group Movement. It did not have an organized nature, but its mental revivalist structures survived the period of the Second World War. An awareness of war atrocities strengthened the spirit of eschatology among some of the Small Group Movement members, which is why some of them accepted the existing political situation, regarding it as a penalty for disregarding God’s rules. Some of the Small Group Movement members, especially those who were previously in opposition to German Christians, began to co-operate with the Polish Lutheran Church, which was new to them. On the other hand, for some of the worshippers who existed in unofficial structures, there was an opportunity to fulfill their basic religious needs, which the Polish Lutheran Church was unable to offer them due to its organizational weakness. From the very beginning the key problem of organization was that caused by language, which was a throw-back to the situation in the nineteenth century and the first years of Weimar Republic, when German was still considered to be “the Church language”. This was the reason why a significant part of the Small Group Movement met with mistrust from the Polish Lutheran Church, which for various reasons was implementing a Polonisation policy, and the open hostility of the police-administrative machinery. On the other hand, inside the Small Group Movement, there was little unity but numerous scattered initiatives, and an escalation of German national spirit became in many instances equally important, or even more important than religious matters.
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After the nationalization of art collections in 1918, the structure of Russian museums’ collections underwent significant changes. For 15 years, the largest museums of Moscow and Petrograd-Leningrad were in a situation of constant relocation of funds: the items from the museum storages and the exposures were transferred to smaller museums, for sales abroad, passed from one collection to another in order to optimize the work of the museum. The present article, devoted to the history of the formation of a new collection of the Western art in the State Hermitage, discusses in detail the period of the first revenues in the museum collection of French painting of the late 19th – the early 20th century. Based on archival documents the author reconstructs the course of negotiations between the Hermitage and the State Museum of New Western Art, and examines the role of such artists as N. A. Tyrsa, V. V. Lebedev, Vl. Sukovand, K. S. Malevich in the formation of the Hermitage collection.
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The creation of the unitary nation-state in 1918, by the union of Bessarabia, Bukovina and Transylvania with Romania, widened the perspectives for our country to engage in the international life as an independent and sovereign state. After a long and complicated procrastination, Bessarabia`s union with the Mother Country Romania was recognized de jure through the Treaty signed in Paris, on October 28, 1920, by Great Britain, France, Italy, and Japan, on one side, and Romania, on the other. Recognizing Romania`s sovereignty over Bessarabia, the parties of the Treaty assumed the obligation to „assist Romania” in case Russians would attempt to reannex Bessarabia. Although the Treaty does not bear the signature of the U.S.A., this country accepted de facto and de jure the historic right of Romania upon Bessarabia, on July 1, 1933. Moscow stubbornly refused to accept the union, although the right of the Romanian people upon Bessarabian territory and the integrity of the frontiers was implicitly acknowledged by the Soviet Union through the recurrent juridical and diplomatic acts.
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In this essay, a history of the COMECON establishment is traced on the basis of a considerable range of documents of the Soviet and East European communist regimes, including those from their former archives. The author is studying an organization machinery of the COMECON making, with an analysis of the USSR and the so-called people's Democracies interaction and role of each of them in this process. Much attention is given to clearing up and comparison of real and declarative COMECON nature and purposes.
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The article presents the story of the one of the branches of the House of Śląscy from Lesser Poland, that is the owners of Broniszów in the period from the 19th to the 20th century. They constitute a representative example of a middle-class rich gentry which had to adapt itself to the new, capitalistic management conditions in this period. The paper aimed at showing that the mentioned material and social standing of the House of Śląscy resulted from the problems with stabilization of the holding in the previous two centuries. Moreover, the article also draws attention to the activity of the representatives of this House in economic and social institutions, which made them informal leaders of the local community of the Pińczów land.
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This article brings to attention a document drafted by two diplomats of the Soviet Embassy in Bucharest, which contains a synthetic analysis on how Romania reacted on the middle of 1989 to the reevaluation by Gorbachev of the core concepts of Socialism. The specificities of the Romanian domestic policy and how this differentiated her from its Communist allies are emphasized. The authors of the document conclude that a profound reform in Romania would not be possible unless Ceauşescu’s removal from power.
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“Illness as metaphor” has become a widespread expression used in writings of history of ideas, since its first appearance in the essay of Susan Sontag. The present paper offers an analysis of its use in the 19th-century Hungarian culture. At first, it is distinguished the use of diseases and bodily conditions as a cause of the author’s ideas in interpretations, from the illness-metaphors of S. Sontag, and from the body-metaphors of the early modernity. In the second part it is detailed the bodily self-reflection of the 19th-century Hungarian authors in context of the ideas incarnated in their works, and the images of their contemporaries, described by them, using bodily symptoms as causes of the ideas of their reviewed books. In the focus of the analysis are the memoirs of Gusztáv Szontagh, a distinguished critic of the second quarter of 19th century, edited by the author of this article for publication. Szontagh has used the patterns of the bodily determination of the ideas describing a large scale of authors, creating a New World made of words, only, in literature, philosophy, and politics. This complex system of ideas has lost its connections with the theory, and had become an element of the political rhetoric in the second half of the 19th century, and in the first half of the 20th century. An outlook for this afterlife is the topic of the epilogue of the present article.
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The Eastern Pact on Mutual Assistance (called at the beginning ‘Eastern Locarno’) was a Franco-Soviet initiative which drew much attention of politicians and public opinion in Europe in 1934. It was a proposal to be implemented into the collective security system. The article addresses the following questions: What was the main aim of British diplomacy in European affairs in 1934? Was London interested in the idea of an Eastern Pact on Mutual Assistance? Did the British diplomats see any profit for their country’s security in a Franco-Soviet proposal? Were they active in European diplomatic relations in the case of the Eastern Pact and if so to what extent? How did they understand collective security in East Central Europe? And how did they assess attitudes and motivations of the proposed signatories of this new coalition of states?
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The article discusses the characteristics of a philosophical and cultural dispute with metaphysics and about metaphysics itself. The criticism of metaphysics and its revival in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries is discussed here. In the first part, the most important philosophical directions dealing with issues of metaphysics are presented: metaphysical idealism, anti-metaphysical positivism and neo-positivism, analytic philosophy versus metaphysics on the example of L. Wittgenstein, the revision of the metaphysical tradition and new investigations in metaphysics. The second part of the article concerns the picture of natural metaphysics including the mathematical-empirical method of researching the world. In the conclusion of the article, a thesis is put forward on searching for new metaphysics which will include a wider sphere of rationality and existential and spiritual experience.
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In the Preface to the Introductory Chapter of The Generalizing Volume of the Bulgarian Dialect Atlas (Sofia, 1988), in which the theoretical basis has been laid for the creation of the Atlas, it has been pointed out that “the maps in the Atlas are of a new kind” (p. 5).
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The problem concerning the э-isoglottic area is a relatively new one. As a terminologically defined problem it dates back to the time when linguistic geography was established in Bulgaria and achieved its greatest successes with the publishing of all the volumes of The Bulgarian Dialect Atlas and The Generalizing Volume of the Bulgarian Dialect Atlas.
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The acquiring of the knowledge about the history of the Chambers of Crafts, Chambers of Agriculture and Chambers of Industry and Trade – the institutions currently operating within the democratic system as self-governing legal persons – in the case of the totalitarian regime should be subject to a thorough archival research. This need results not only from the scarcity of the archival materials, but also complex institutional and personal connections across the administrative system, both in time of peace and war. Especially interesting are the relations between the foreign occupation authorities and the organizations of the subjugated Polish nation. This phenomenon concerns various periods and territories, including the General Government 1939–1945. At that time, on the Polish territories, self-governing institutions lost their autonomy. They where appropriated and transformed by the ruling entities. They were, despite their nature, the element of the totalitarian system and total war.
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The map of the Polish interdisciplinary music-literary research has been enriched during the last years with significant theoretical and analytic-interpretative publications. Researchers from various disciplines attempt to specify the types of relations that can interconnect the literary text and music – focusing not only on the problem of interference between two systems using different signs but also more and more emphasizing the cultural meaning of the phenomena of this kind. The article comments on the horizons of the Polish research devoted to these issues. It situates in this context the book by Małgorzata Sułek Stanisław Moniuszko and other composers and poetry by Adam Mickiewicz, published in 2016. This study offers also a methodological proposal, organizing the reflections on certain aspects of comparative studies (in the introductory treatise). In the second part it collects the rich analytical material. The musical arrangements of poetry by Mickiewicz, created during 19th to 21th centuries, allow to systematically know a non-obvious aspect of the reception of the heritage of the most famous Polish romantic, various ways of approaching his works and interpreting them – with the use of music.
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Article presents the national attitudes of railway workers in the region mostly inhabited by Polish and German minority. Czechoslovak railway administration with the collaboration of nationalistic organizations (especially Matice osvěty lidové pro Těšínsko a Hlučínsko) tried to increase the number of Czech railway workers and demanded from them contribution to the czechization efforts. The administration used the policy of relocation and other means of pressure on workers of Polish and German nationality to convince them to support the Czech cause, especially by sending their children to Czech schools.
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All totalitarian regimes which existed in the 20th century tried to use sexual energy of the population like a tool of social engineering. In Soviet Union the Communist Party ideologists strived to change sexuality and sexual behavior of people according to Marxist doctrine. Sexuality in the USSR went through the cycle from unbelievable freedom in the 1920s through the conservatism of Stalinism and a relatively liberal decade of “the developed socialism” to the sexual boom in the end of 1980s – beginning of 1990s. The first decades after Bolsheviks came to power was characterized by unbelievable freedom of even for today. Revolution changes in the sexual behavior took place in the Soviet Russia then in the Soviet Union. Those changes have already got name in contemporary historiography – “sexual revolution”. Many aspects of it were described by Russian and Western researchers. Particular facts on the Soviet sexual revolution can be also found in the work of Belorussian researchers, who have studied the gender aspects of the past. The 1920s are traditionally presented in Belorussian historiography in the context of national or new economic policy. The author tried to have a close look at this decade through “unusual” for most Belorussian historians’ optics – construction of ideological origins and legal basis for new intimacy and sexual relations. The choice is nonrandom. The first decade after the Bolsheviks’ revolution the USSR was the field of experiment, transformation of gender relations. The range of sources is not random too. Printed media as well as the Communist Party and Government officials of the liberal 1920s are openly discussed sexual sphere of human activity.
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The article concerns the progressing changes affecting the freedom of entrepreneurs in conducting business. After distinguishing a dozen or so areas of law that may be particularly relevant in this context, more detailed observations have been made regarding several selected areas. The considerations were focused around competition law, company law and criminal law. The last element of the work are postulates to indicate potential solutions for possible development scenarios.
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