România între „Scila și Caribda”
Florin Pintescu, Politicile SUA, Germaniei ș Rusiei în spațiul românesc (1990-2018).Considerații geoeconomice, geoculturale și geostrategice, Editura „Cetatea de Scaun”,Târgoviște, 2019, 316 p.
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Florin Pintescu, Politicile SUA, Germaniei ș Rusiei în spațiul românesc (1990-2018).Considerații geoeconomice, geoculturale și geostrategice, Editura „Cetatea de Scaun”,Târgoviște, 2019, 316 p.
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This study focuses on the childhood, adolescence, and youth of Prince Carol, who was to be known in history as King Carol II, until the end of the National Unification War. First in line of succession to the throne, Prince Carol was surrounded by all the care and attention of the family, enjoying numerous privileges since early childhood. His education sparked several controversies in the family that did not help his formation. Although very gifted, he did not benefit from a correct and methodical education. A descendant of the Hohenzollerns, Carol was asked to pursue a military career so necessary to his ruling, but despite titles and distinctions, he did not stand out on the frontline, but through parties and love affairs, culminating in his deserting the front to marry in Odessa. Forgiven in 1918, he abdicated once more in 1919, and in early 1920s he left for a journey around the world.
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The “Contimporanul” magazine represents a hallmark in the Romanian 20th century press, on a par with “Facla” and other well-known Socialist publications. Studying its collections that span for almost a decade (1922-1932) allows one to grasp the direction of interwar political thinking, while at the same time enabling the understanding of the artistic sensibility of its readership. The present essay focuses on the manifestations of the lampoon as a modern, powerful means of political combat, dedicated to the aim of enlightening the readership and representing a call to action and activism.
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This article discusses a memorandum sent by the German Protestant pastor Immanuel Winkler to the political and military authorities of the German Reich in early March 1918. The memorandum demanded the establishment of an autonomous region for the German communities inhabiting the former Russian guberniias of Bessarabia, Kherson and Taurida. Hailing from Southern Bessarabia (Sarata), Winkler represents a fascinating case study regarding the emergence and increasing assertion of a growing intellectual and political elite within the traditionally and overwhelmingly rural ranks of the German community living in the northern Black Sea area. The impact of World War I was decisive in the process of generating a particular collective identity and in radicalizing the discourse of the German-language elites within the Russian Empire. The major elements highlighting this new dynamics were the following: 1) the growing discrimination against the German community residing in the Russian Empire during the period 1914-1916; 2) the dissolution of state authority in Russia during the years 1917 and 1918; 3) the collapse of the Eastern Front and the signing of separate peace treaties between the Central Powers, on the one hand, and Russia, Ukraine, and Romania, on the other hand; 4) the outbreak of the civil war in Russia. The memorandum authored by Pastor Winkler should thus be examined from the wider perspective of the constant preoccupation for and interest in the postwar organization of Eastern Europe exhibited by the political, military, and intellectual milieus of the German Reich in this period. It should also be analyzed from the point of view of the widespread theories concerning “Germany’s imperial and civilizational global mission and destiny”. These preoccu-pations also found some reflection in the drafting of ambitious plans aiming at German colonization in the East and at the creation of autonomous German-inhabited areas within certain regions of the European “Orient.”
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In this paper, we discussed about the electoral Transylvania in the period imme-diately following the Great Union, more precisely about the electoral system (in a narrow sense, including the type of election, the constituencies and the electoral formula) adopted in 1919, during the autonomy, and applied in the counties over the mountains in the first three interwar parliamentary elections (1919, 1920, 1922). We brought to the fore and analyze a series of seemingly marginal issues, from the period between the establishment and dissolution of the Ruling Council, which may partly explain why and how the Transylvanians decided to elect their representatives in the Parliament of Bucharest differently than the citizens from the Old Kingdom (runoff voting/two-round system v. open list PR). We were particularly concerned with estab-lishing the electoral constituencies. Despite all the unknowns, the general impression is that the fight for the “electoral law” was harder than the electoral fight. There was a political race between the Government of Bucharest and the Ruling Council of Sibiu, the former wanting the complete transfer of Transylvania under the sovereignty of the Romanian state, and the latter trying to maintain some autonomy and control of the region both ethnically, by minimizing representation/participation of “cohabiting nations”, but also politically, through the quasi-monopoly of the Romanian National Party. Looking back, with all their clumsiness, the leaders from Sibiu seem more skilled in using electoral mechanisms, reaching their goal in the elections. Their will could only be overcome by acts of force.
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This article aims to offer a perspective of National Archives of Romania evolution in the past two decades. The essay analyzes the history of archival common law in this period, around the role of National Archive as a memory office but also more as a public administration institution. The study questions the theory that was imposed by the archives act no. 16/1996, that the National Archive is the only Romanian agency that deals with the public archives. Also, is offered a perspective on the accessibility to the historical records of the organizations. The author believe that we need to reshape this theory, in order to integrate the mutations in our modern society. For more than 30 years, National Archives repositorys could not receive the records that are part of national archivist fonds. There are more causes of this reality. That involves also the difficult for the public to research those documents. Adverse legislation to the archives act create a important issue for the free access to the records of the public organizations. The debate on the legal background of the public archives should not be ignorant of European model, of Romanian competitive legislation on other species of records and, also, of institutions that produces informations that are part of national archivist fonds without any roles or professional control.
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This article brings into question the gems collection of the Gorj County Museum „Alexandru Ștefulescu”, from Târgu Jiu, consisting from eight Roman intaglios. This collection is relatively recent, the gems being purchased through archaeological research since 1997, as well as from donations from the metal detectors discoveries. Some of them were published in 2012, then again in 2018, but with fewer details. The gems coming from archeological research were discovered on the territory of the county, on the occasion of preventive or systematic research, in sites from the Roman era, or even from the medieval era like Bumbești Jiu, Căpreni. The gems were made of carnelian and were engraved with simple subjects like the man with ship rudder, deities like Minerva Pacifera, Faunus, Diana, mythological subjects like Omphale, animals like deer, fantastic beings as Medusa or the motif dextrarum iunctio.
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The author analyses Croatian and international historiography on the Greek Catholic diocese of Marčanska (Svidnička or Platejska) since the early 1990s, emphasizing that the increased interest in this topic at that time was partly driven by the political changes in Croatia and its surroundings. The topic has been in the focus of interest of historians dealing with the Military Frontier (Krajina) and the Catholic Church as well as authors of the syntheses of the history of Croatia and the Serbian Orthodox Church in Croatia. A number of scholars in Croatia have accepted J. Šimrak’s conclusions about the success of the union in the early 17th century as a consequence of the wider Union movement and the responsibility of the Vienna court and some Zagreb bishops for its failure. On the other hand, foreign historians have accepted conclusions about the Habsburg religious policy from Austrian historiography written in the second half of the 19th and the early 20th century, repeating stereotypes and inaccurate data that were not scientifically evaluated, such as the hypothesis about the Jesuits as the main factors in the expansion of the union and the constant Catholic pressure on the population of the Orthodox frontier region, allegedly carried out by the Krajina commanders. Only a few historians have indicated the unsustainability of these hypotheses and pointed out that the Frontier was a desirable settlement area for Orthodox Christians from the Ottoman Empire. There are noticeable differences among the scholars as to the interpretation of the beginnings, motives, and reach of the union, as well as different understandings of the basic concepts concerning this issue, and due to the lack of relevant studies and the use of unreliable older historiography, these 18th-century events have been described very scantily and inaccurately, especially the reign of Charles VI. Croatian historiography has made some progress in researching this topic and some scholars have critically assessed the said historiography, highlighting its shortcomings and observing the history of the union and the Diocese of Marčanska in the broader context of the history of the Military Frontier and the Habsburg religious policy in Southeastern Europe. Their research results have corrected some inaccurate data on the bishops of this diocese and presented Habsburg religious policy as more complex than the previous historiography did, opening new research topics such as the conversions and the Catholic renewal in Krajina, to which a more detailed scholarly analysis has yet to be done.
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U ovome radu autor po prvi put objavljuje podatke o identitetu interniranih Srijemaca u Varaždinu tijekom ratne 1915. i 1916. koji su liječeni u gradskoj bolnici ili nemoćnici odnosno koji su umrli i bili pokopani na gradskom groblju. Pod pojmom internirani Srijemci podrazumijeva se na silu internirano civilno stanovništvo donjeg Srijema u unutrašnjost Austro-Ugarske Monarhije, najvećim djelom Srba, dok slučajevi u Varaždinu pokazuju da se u manjem broju radilo i o Romima. Prikazani su i analizirani osobni podaci za 131 liječenu i 58 pokopanih osoba. Arhivski izvori potvrdili su da se o njima vodila liječnička skrb. O ukupnom broju interniranih Srijemaca tijekom Prvog svjetskog rata na području grada Varaždina i Varaždinske županije može se samo nagađati.
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The article analyzes the correspondence between a prominent figure among the XX-century Old Believers, Ivan Nikiforovich Zavoloko (1897–1984), and the staff of the State Museum of the Karelian Autonomous Soviet Social Republic, as well as local historians, poets and scholars of Karelia V. P. Yershov, I. A. Kostin, Yu. V. Linnik and E. G. Soini. The research materials were more than 30 letters written between the 1960s and the 1980s and stored in the National Museum of the Republic of Karelia, the Archive of the Riga Grebenshchikov Old Believers’ Community, the Depository named after V. I. Malyshev at the Institute of Russian literature (Pushkin House) of the Russian Academy of Sciences, and in the personal archive of E. G. Soini. The subjects discussed in the letters are the history and culture of the Vyg Community and the Old Belief in general, issues of collecting and studying antiquities, museum work, literary activity, and scientific and cultural life. The article also covers the history of I. A. Kostin’s poem dedicated to the Archpriest Avvakum. The correspondence provides new valuable materials for the study of the personality, activities, and range of interests of I. N. Zavoloko. The conclusion is made about the influence of I. N. Zavoloko on the representatives of the Karelian intelligentsia in their understanding of the Old Belief and other phenomena of Russian culture.
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The study presents the history, role, impact and significance of the Hungarian Protestant Baldácsy Foundation. The author initially presents Antal Baldácsy’s life and work and his financial support in establishing the Foundation. The enthusiastic leader of the Foundation was the Reformed Bishop Pál Török. The Foundation provided timely support and assistance to the Hungarian Protestant Churches living under troubled financial circumstances. The author also formulates some important conclusions at the end of the study. The article lavishly quotes unpublished writings of the Unitarian Bishop József Ferencz.
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When using comparative glasses for women and men, the life-courses of the two genders are frequently defined and described by “gaps”, “inequality” or “discrimination”. Gender mainstreaming is obvious in most European strategies, programs or directives and national governments and stakeholders from across the civilized world decide, act and legislate preoccupied by the “gender issue”. For many years the roles of women and men were clearly delimitated, until the last decades, when the boundaries between what should be assigned to the two genders started to become blurrier and questionable, due to scientific, technological, economic, demographic and alert social transformations. For Romania, the period after the revolution of 1989 was marked by roles` reconfigurations, because economic and political instability, lower state control concerning both work and family, the opened boundaries, followed by European integration, influenced all life sectors. Considering such trends, this article aims to describe the actual context regarding the gendered housework and care distribution, in the broader framework of labour division, using both previous empirical findings and data issued at European level. The analysis will also involve the summarization of existing theoretical perspectives regarding the subject, together with European policies concerning gender strategies. Although the general trend is towards convergence, especially when looking at paid-work, housework and children upbringing are still defined by gender imparities, even if the gap diminished slightly in this domain also, with various patterns among individuals, cohorts and countries.
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Although Iranian women have been involved with women rights issues for the past century, there seems to be a general resistance against using the label “feminist” among women activists in the country. While some women activists may associate themselves with “Islamic Feminism”, a lot of them prefer to drop the label “feminism” all together. Although there may be many reasons behind disavowal of feminism in a conservative Islamic society like that of Iran, one cannot deny the power of media in creating and shaping a particular stance toward feminism. The present paper elaborates on the discursive representation of the concept of feminism in Fars News agency which is one of the main conservative news agencies in Iran. The results are drawn from a 450,000 word corpus of Persian news texts on feminism published by Fars News Agency from 2006 to 2012. Wordsmith concord feature was used to look for collocates of the search term feminism in the corpus. The collocates were then hypothetically categorized into various semantic groups and further analyzed using their contexts from the corpus. The data reiterated the results found in similar studies on feminism in Anglophone media in that feminism has indeed been portrayed in negative terms.
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The collapse of the uprising in Serbia in the fall and winter of 1941 also opened the question of the fate of the guerrillas, members of the resistance movement who did not leave Serbia with their leaders. Most of them, especially the members of the partisan movement, found themselves under repression by the occupation and collaborationist authorities. Some of the insurgents remained on the ground and tried to save themselves by joining the military organization of the Serbian Government. Some of them did this spontaneously, but others started infiltrating on the orders of their superiors. Members of Colonel Mihai-lović’s Chetnik detachments began legalization on their own in November of 1941 and later with the approval of their commander; several thousand people remained in the ranks of the Serbian State Guard or in the Chetnik detachments of Kosta Pećanac until the spring of 1943. Some of them were involved in re-pressive acts against members of the rival partisan movement. On the other hand, some members and officers from the ranks of the NOP joined the collabo-rationist units, although to a much lesser extent. From February 1942, they also infiltrated [the collaborationist units] on the instructions of the Provincial Committee of the CPY for Serbia, in order to get weapons, equipment and in-formation from the enemy. The phenomenon of partisan legalization was not local – it happened throughout Serbia and included several hundred former fighters, sometimes leaders and members of the CPY, who used their position to deal with the nationalist forces. This process was not discussed in historiograph-ical works and syntheses about the partisan movement, although partisan mem-oirs and a number of preserved documents speak about it precisely. Although less prevalent in relation to the competing resistance movement in terms of characteristics, degree of cooperation, and general mass, the legalization of partisans remained one of the dark spots in the history of the partisan movement in Serbia, and also one of the examples of its “Machiavellian” strategy.
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The Spanish Flu pandemic that afflicted the entire planet between 1918 and 1919 did not bypass the population in occupied Serbia, nor the soldiers at the Salonica front. It escalated immediately after the breakthrough of the front and culminated in the moments of delight and euphoria that followed the libera-tion. The purpose of this paper is to point to the possible entry route of the epi-demic, the chronology of its development in the Valjevo County, as well as the number of victims it took in each community. The analysis of an almost com-plete, 100% sample of church death registers shows that the population started dying at the beginning of October in the lowland areas but that the mortality there was relatively low. The epidemic spread from the plains to the more re-mote and inaccessible mountain villages, where the mortality rate was very high, so that in some communities more than 9% of the population died. The epidemic lasted through the end of 1918, while on the territories where the con-sequences were more widespread, there were noticeably less relapses after-wards. It seems that the population in the remote, inaccessible communities had a more limited access to healthcare facilities in towns and a lower awareness of public hygiene, while limited means of communication made these communities more isolated and thus lowered their herd immunity. These circumstances meant that a significantly higher percentage of rural communities contracted the disease, which in turn contributed to the subsequent buildup of herd immunity.
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The arrival of the Red Army at the borders of the former Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the autumn of 1944 led to a mass evacuation of Russian émigrés. According to an analysis made by a researcher of the history of the Russian Emigration, around 60% of the Russian inhabitants in Belgrade fled the capital. Those of Russian origin who stayed in the country were treated in different ways by the NKVD, the Red Army soldiers, and the new revolutionary authori-ties. So, the level of impact that the arrival of the Red Army, liberation opera-tions, and the seizure of power by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia had on the heritage of the Russian Emigration in Yugoslavia – institutes, which the émigré communities had formed in the interwar period, as well as the different aspects of Russian culture and forms of their presence in the state, varied. Some of the regalia, museum exhibits, and archives were transferred to the USSR, one part was destroyed by the Soviet command, while others were saved in one way or another. The graves of the members of the Russian corps on the cemeteries in Belgrade and Zagreb were dismantled by the new revolutionary authorities, but the monuments dedicated to the Russian émigrés who died in Yugoslavia in the interwar period were kept. Due to the mass evacuation in the autumn of 1944, the vast majority of the Russian institutes stopped working, but on the other hand, some of them, like the Russian parishes, continued with their activities until the 1970s.
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Reconfiguration and rediscovery of the ethnic identity of the Romani in Romania after December 1989 has brought into debating also the image of India as the old space of their origin. The present research deals with the representations of that space in the case of various Roma peoples, on the basis of the interviews in the first project of oral history concerning the Romani in Romania.
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This article aims to explore the pedagogical role of comics for pioneers in socialist Romania. To achieve this, I identified and analysed representations of space, of people and their activities in a serial comic titled Vacanţele unui tânăr liniştit [A Peaceful Young Man’s Holidays], from Cutezătorii [The Daring Ones] magazine. The objectives are then to research the production of iconic places and of model characters in these comics and to reach conclusions concerning the construction or production of space and subjects that fit the ideological discourse of socialist and communist Romania. I use visual and discourse analysis to show how the narratives of comics fit into the metanarrative of the regime, constructing territorial identities, and imagined communities. My conclusion is that the discourse of these comics produces ideological representations of space and people.
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The present paper intends to show that during the 1960s, different films meant to evoke the rural and urban environments were created, which brought to public attention a particular type of men and women whose mistakes were corrected or blamed during the plot; the purpose of the paper is to give examples of certain behavioural types accepted by society and political party. Also, a certain type of problems, different for each environment, is envisaged, along with certain types of solutions which are provided, usually issued from the existing party’s policies of that period. The Romanian film production of 1960s – 1969s comprises over 150 titles.
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