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Чий дълг е правилното осветляване на българската история от края на XIV и началото на XV век
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Чий дълг е правилното осветляване на българската история от края на XIV и началото на XV век
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Conversation between Dr. Anatoli Kanev and Prof. Dr. Miliyana Kaymakamova about Bulgarian history and role Politics played in different periods of it. There is one question to be answered and it is: How to make history "interesting" in suited in the modern society?
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The existence of a residence of the metropolitans of Gniezno in Cracow had been confirmed from the fourteenth till the end of the eighteenth century. Its beginnings, attested by documentary evidence, reach back to the foundation of Archbishop Jarosław Bogoria Skotnicki (1342-1374) who erected a stonework mansion located extrawaros, probably to the south of Wawel Hill. The building, neglected in the following century, was eventually pulled down in 1498. In the fifteenth century, a new residence was constructed. It was located immediately outside the city walls, in front of Brama Poboczna [Lateral Gate], next to Wawels north slope, on the grounds acquired by Archbishop Mikołaj Kurowski (1402-1411) that had been in the possession of the Gniezno archbishops until 1523. According to a description from the beginning of the sixteenth century, there existed an extensive residential complex made up of episcopal offices, a few buildings which housed the living quarters and some utility buildings in a garden.Since the late Middle Ages until 1621, the archbishops of Gniezno had also owned a plot of land located intra warns, i.e. within the city walls, in Grodzka Street, to the south ofSt Martins church. There stood a stonework mansion, mentioned in documentary sources as curia arcfiicpiscopaiis, whose appearance, however, is unknown. In the sixteenth century the buildings that stood there were used by the canons of Gniezno during their stay inCracow. Archbishop fan Łaski (1510-1531), who in 1529 acquired a conveniently located plot of land on the corner of Grodzka Street in the neighbourhood of St Giles church, moved the residence to a different location. The new grounds were situated opposite the former plot owned by the archbishops, at the foot of Wawel Hill and the royal castle (adradices arczs), close to its north-east corner which housed the kings apartments. It was there that - apart from a brief interlude when the archbishops lodged in Kanonicza Street - since the mid-sixteenth century for the following 250 years the last residence of the Primates of Poland in Cracows history had been located.The architectural forms of the building were irretrievably lost in the course of radical transformations the residence underwent at the beginning of the nineteenth century(it was dismantled down to the foundations, and replaced with a new construction that has survived to this day). Therefore it has remained virtually unknown because of the scarcity of iconographic evidence and insufficiently researched documentary sources from the period before the end of the eighteenth century. An interpretation of the newly discovered inventories from the years 1673,1767 and 1777, which contain the only known descriptions of the residence from the times when the Primates stayed in it, combined with an analysis of earlier source materials, has helped to recreate the architectural transformations of the building and precisely reconstruct its spatial and functional disposition, as well as to establish the dating and attribute its construction to particular founders.A particularly valuable source, which complements the inventories, is a survey of 1798, used as a basis for the reconstruction of the plan of the residence in the last phase before it was dismantled.The early modern forms of the residence (which since the second half of the seventeenth century had been known as a 'mansion) were shaped as a result of adaptation and extension of a house, formerly owned by a knightly family and later by the CracowChapter, which occupied the southern part of the plot acquired by the archbishops in 1529, facing the castle. The forms of the residence that had survived until 1670 arose mainly in the course of construction works undertaken by the Primates: Piotr Gamrat (1541-1545)and Wawrzyniec Gembicki (1615-1624). According to an inventory of 1673, the residence consisted of three one-storey buildings surrounding an internal courtyard: two stone workhouses (of medieval and sixteenth-century origins) joined on the corner, forming the south and west wings, and a wooden building on the east (erected in the mid-seventeenth century) which housed the main gateway opening to Grodzka Street. Between 1672 and1676 the complex was substantially remodelled in the course of a building campaign initiated by Primate Mikołaj Prażmowski (1666-1673) and completed by Andrzej Olszowski(1674-1677). The construction works, which cost 24 thousand zloty, were overseen by the Cracow city councillor Jan Pernus. The resulting complex consisted of a two-storey palace building made up of two wings meeting at the right angle with matching external elevations, but differing in plan and the spatial disposal of interiors. The third part of the complex - a one-storey wing facing Grodzka Street - was erected in 1765 by Archbishop Władysław Łubieński (1759-1767) and was the last element in this additive construction process. In the functional hierarchy of the residence it held the lowest rank, being merely a kind of outbuilding that housed the main gateway. The longest, one-aisle south wing played an important part in the communication system of the palace: it housed another gate and the stately main staircase leading from the courtyard up to the rooms on pńmonoMc. The largest, two-aisle west wing had the function of an actual corps de fog is -the main part of the palace - being at the same time its predominant element as far as its architecture and functions were concerned. It was on its upper storey that the apartment of the Primate (consisting of antechamber, bedroom and wardrobe) was located, together with a large reception hall (measuring 12 by 15 m) overlooking Wawel where Primate Olszowski hung a portrait gallery of his antecedent archbishops, including his own likeness provided with a following inscription: Andreas Olszowski, Sfernmate Prnsszns cam ^ascdn'sioannis iff. Coronator. Both the location and decoration of the stately hall in the residence of Polish Primates in the capital city of Cracow should be understood as the key elements of the iconographic programme of the palace: a seat of the interrex and at the same time primate-archbishop who crowned.
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The five petal flower is not a simple decoration. It's an important heraldry. Looking at the old seal of Câmpulung, which, together with the seals of the cities of Baia (14th century) and Roman (15th century), are the only ones with a legend in Latin, we draw attention to a repetition - the presence of two times of the star and the semilune. The star and the crescent also appear on the coat of arms of Moldova. Next to these flowers with five petals. In order to find the meaning of the symbol, there are presented old and new examples of rosettes or flowers with five petals, respectively ten petals, if they are double lobes. The study looks at elements of architecture, urbanism and landscaping in setting up the whole area of Campulung with the two towers on which these flowers appear in stone sculptures, that of Negru Voda, the highest medieval center in Wallachia and SfGheorghe church potters. The location of these towers, taking into account the distances and landslides, reveals advanced astronomy knowledge. This type of construction and the tectonic discharge of the system, using semisferic arches and domes, leaving ample, free-at-ground ground voids, forming the triumph arcs, shows the personality of the imported rulers who ordered them. In the 14th century Câmpulung was the capital of Wallachia where, in 1352, it passed to the eternal, the Great Basarab I the Founder.
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The author of the article “Romanian gard – An Old Germanic Loan and Its Linguistic-Historical Implications” aims to clarify the etymology of a much discussed Romanian term. About the origin of Rmn. gard (‘enclosure, fence, garden, wickerwork barrier for fishing’) three main etymological explanations have been proposed in course of time: (1) earliest of all, Diez considered that Gothic gards (‘house, household, family, courtyard’) could account for both Romanian gard and Albanian gardh (‘hedge, palisade, dam’); later it was only Scriban and Gamillscheg who were definitely in favour of an Old Germanic origin for Rmn. gard; (2) most other scholars followed Miklosich’s authoritative (but hardly credible) opinion according to which the Romanian word under discussion simply derived from Old Slavic gradъ (‘fortified settlement’); (3) and in more recent times, specialists like Russu and Brâncuş considered Rmn. gard to be a substratal (Thraco-Dacian) term closely related to Alb. gardh. The present author brings new arguments in favour of the Old Germanic etymology (which was credibly sustained in Gamillscheg’s Romania Germanica). One of the main arguments taken into account below is that O.Slav. gradъ itself is best explained as a very early borrowing from Germanic, that idea being archaeologically supported by the numerous traces of Old Germanic (even pre-Gothic) “enclosures” that have been found in now Slavic territories north of the Carpathians. In regard to phonetics, in Slavic (a satem language, like Thracian, for that matter), a word that etymologically corresponds to Phrygian -gordum (in Manegordum) and to Latin hortus ‘garden’ should have an initial z; and, in fact, Russian does contain such a native word: zorod ‘enclosure for haystacks’, a remote relative of Russ. gorod ‘city’ (the latter being an East-Slavic version of the Germanic loan gradъ). This author considers that, even before East-Scandinavian Vikings came to control East-Slavic territories that they designated as Gardar (on the Dniepr), earlier Slavs had come into touch with Old Germanic “enclosures” (as power-centres, and nuclei of cities to-be), of the kind designated by Goth. gards. Such a term also became known, independently, to pre-Roman ancestors of the Romanians (and to proto-Albanians) in Central-Southeast European regions controlled by one or another kind of Old Germanics (as Herrenvolk). That kind of early contact, which certainly preceded the Slavic expansion of the 6th–7th centuries, can account for the fact that Romanians have preserved the term gard with archaic-rural meanings, and (in form) without the specific Slavic metathesis, gar > gra (a feature that is manifest, for instance, in the Romanian term grădină ‘garden’, an obvious Slavic loan). So, Rmn. gard appears to come from pre-Roman substratal idioms (as several important scholars have assumed), but in those idioms such a term was an Old Germanic loan, a fact that is indicated by both its initial consonant g, and its vowel a (as regular Germanic development from an Indo-European o – cf. Lat. hortus). From the language of earliest Slavs (Sklavenoi) who moved south, Romanians subsequently inherited ogradă, grădină, and grădişte (themselves based on Old Germanic loans), but not also gradъ.
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The period of XIV and XV century is one of the most important for Balkan history. The Ottoman invasions of the Balkans predetermine the destiny of Bulgarians, Ottomans, Greeks, Serbs and a number of other nations, because Ottoman hegemony significantly alters the ethnic, religious and geopolitical outlook of Southeast Europe. One of the most memorable personalities of this period is the Byzantine Em¬peror Manuel II Paleologus (1391 – 1425), who in order to save his decaying state made a desperate move - on December 10, 1399, he sailed from Constantinople, aboard several Venetian galleys, to seek personal help from the rulers of the West. This adventure is one of the most romantic parts of Byzantium’s past, and to this day it is of great interest to historians. In this article we will explore some of the key points in this journey.
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The article discusses the history of Polish-Ottoman rivalry for influence in the Balkans and Ukraine during XVII century. After the peaceful government of the Jagiellonian dynasty this rivalry renewed at the end of the 16th century during the Ottoman-Habsburg war. Poland wanted to return positions in Moldavia, lost to Ottoman empire at the end of the XV and the beginning of XVI century. Thanks to the skillful Polish policy, Moldavian throne was occupied by the Movilă dynasty, friendly to both Poland and Ottoman empire. Unfortunately, in the first quarter of the XVII century the Ottomans established full control over Moldavia, after the Polish-Ottoman war of 1620 – 1621. The hostilities were resumed in 1672 – this time Ottomans sought to conquer Ukraine and partly got the chance (the truce with Poland in Żurawno of 1676 and the peace treaty of 1678). These losses gave Poland reason to engage in the war against Ottomans in 1683, as a result Podole and Ukraine were reclaimed. But the Polish attempts to conquer Moldavia remained unsuccessful. The Karlowitz Peace Treaty of 1699 put an end to the era of continuous rivalry.
More...(2018). Българско царство. Сборник в чест на 60-годишнината на доц. д-р Георги Николов. Отговорен редактор доц. д-р Ангел Николов. София: Университетско издателство „Св. Климент Охридски“. 845 с. ISBN 978-954-07-4490-2
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Today, Bulgaria is both a political and a cultural member of Europe, while Korea forms a common areal with its neighbours, China and Japan. Throughout the centuries, however, both countries, located geographically on the road of intensive commercial and cultural exchange, experienced the impact of nomad peoples, like the Mongols and the Turks. This is why today we can find many similar elements in the culture of Korea and that of Bulgaria, which are the result of the centuries-long thread connecting Koreans, Mongols, Turks and Bulgarians. One of these elements worthy of academic research is the deified Heaven known as tengri, which most probably lies at the core of the names Tangra in Bulgaria and Tangun in Korea. The Korean Tangun is only mentioned once in the work of the Buddhist monk Iryeon from the 13th century as a celestial son, founder of the first Korean kingdom – Ancient Joseon. The name Tangra was deciphered by some scholars in Bulgaria from a Turkish manuscript which did not survive to this day and a somewhat illegible writing on a stone pillar. Throughout the centuries, there have been no traces in either country of people worshipping Tangun or Tangra. There is no historical, archaeological or ritual evidence supporting the existence of a religious cult of the two deities. However, in modern times, in both Korea and Bulgaria, Tangun and Tangra have been brought to public attention as the symbols of an ancient proto-Korean and proto-Bulgarian religion, respectively. For patriotic reasons, the two peoples have brought Tangun and Tangra to the foreground in opposition to the official religion. The aim is to derive a monotheistic religion from one main proto-deity to equate (and why not to precede) the official religions (Christianity in Bulgaria, and Confucianism and Buddhism in Korea). This study investigates the construction of the image of Tangun as a supreme national symbol in Korea and draws a parallel with Bulgarian Tangrism. It focuses on the transformation of the image of Tangun in Korea from a deified mythological hero into a historical figure, through a large-scale, well-coordinated and well-funded state policy. While the cult of Tangra in Bulgaria is a source of national pride for some Bulgarians, it has not received the strong state support the cult of Tangun in Korea has.
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The text interprets Khand Tatar and Todorka ballad by commenting the historical terms used from the one hand, and, from the other hand by doing a transformational analysis of the attributes and functions of the mediator in the plot. The situations connected with the Tartars as historical population are analyzed as potential sources of folk personages and motifs. Resultantly, the folklore situation is seen in the light of a possible reflection of the mythological understandings while at the same time the basic psycho-social functions of the ballad are outlined. Thus the reading combines historical and mythological aspects and compares the particular “Bulgarian” case with the universal models and structures of thinking.
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The paper presents the results of the visual clay and glaze analysis carried out on restored stove tiles and pieces safe-kept at the Museum of Moslavina in Kutina; these results indicate that for the making of all the analysed stove tiles, which were synchronously made, the same casts and two types of clay were used. The stove tiles of Garić grad are divided into twenty various types and compared with analogue finds of stove tiles originating from the area divided into the so-called western and eastern region of the stove-making production. Stove tiles with full decorative front plates have relief ornaments – presentations as found in bestiaries, mediaeval literary descriptions of monsters and animals. When comparing the illuminations in the subject manuscripts with the presentations on stove tiles, all the motives used and their symbolics may be unmistakably recognised. Further, when considering the motives on the front plates and comparing them with analogue material, the influence of the stove-making products from workshops dating from the era of Sigismund of Luxemburg (the first half of the 15th ct.) may be recognised.
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The monastery of St. Paul in Garić is one of the oldest Paulist monasteries in Croatia. It seems credible that the lord of Garić-grad, Henrik of Hungary (where the order was founded in 1215), invited the hermits there. Upon arrival to Moslavina, the hermits found peace and quiet they needed for prayer and contemplation. After having studied the documents, the author came to the conclusion that hermits came to Garić either at the same time when the Paulists came to Dubica (in 1244) or earlier, since – according to the documents available – the Paulists of Garić had already had a domicile in 1256, and a while later, they began building the monastery and the church of the Blessed Virgin Mary. They extended and added on them in the early 15th century, and thus created a complex that comprised all they needed for everyday life; thanks to the local aristocracy, they became rich landowners and, consequently, economically independent. The monastery in Garić was the locus credibilis – the place of credibility, in which local aristocracy used to keep their important documents and valuables. The church of the Blessed Virgin Mary was a well-known place of pilgrimage. 588 documents (deeds of gift, testaments, etc.) witness to the greatness and the importance of this mediaeval monastery. The last document from the monastery in Garić dates from 1520. As the danger approached, the Paulists moved their archives and valuables to Remete and Lepoglava; around 1543, together with the people, they fled from the Turkish army and the Armatoloi in search of a safer place. After the fall of Garić-grad (in 1544) and Moslavina (in 1545), neither the Paulists nor the people survived there. After Moslavina was freed in 1591, the Paulists of Garić endeavoured to revive the life in their monastery; however, they did not succeed.
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In the religious practices of the population in the Bulgarian lands, kurban is an instrument for expressing gratitude towards God for His support during times of hardship, illnesses, and ordeals. It is constantly present in ceremonial practices from time immemorial. However, as every other aspect of human life, it is subject to change. The alterations in religious beliefs lead to variations in the ritual itself and the nature of the sacrifice. Nevertheless, more detailed analysis shows that modern kurban represents a peculiar mixture of ancient traditions and newer religious customs. Furthermore, Christian and Islamic theologies are not always dominant in ceremonial practices. The influence of pagan cults is felt particularly strongly in the mountainous and semi-mountainous regions, where the role of the religious institutions is markedly weaker.
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Организовањем научних скупова новембра 2000. и децембра 2001. године, те објављивањем зборника радова са ових скупова' Филозофски факултет у Бањој Луци започео је веома значајан пројекат прео бражаја научног живота у Републици Српској и Босни и Херцеговини. Политички односи посљедње деценије 20. вијека свакако нису ишли наруку научним стријемљењима на цијелом простору бивше СФРЈ, a чини се да је територија Босне и Херцеговине нарочита погођена ратним дешавањима и да најтеже санира њихове посљедице. Самим тим треба поздравити одлуку руководства бањалучког Филозофског факултета да сваке године организује научне скупове о темама које би биле довољно свеобухватне да у њих буду укључене све друштвене науке без обзира на своју различитост.
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The article aims to compare the titles of some dignitaries in the Bulgarian kingdom and the corresponding titles of the dignitaries in Wallachia and Moldova. The cited sources are mostly Wallachian and Moldovan documents from XIV–XV century, when the Byzantine-Bulgarian influence on the state regulations of the Danubian principalities is strongest.
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