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The author of this article is interested in how Plutarch of Chaeronea created the picture of the Sullan War in Parallel lives, especially in the Life of Lucius Cornelius Sulla. Firstly, the author notes that in presenting the civil war Plutarch was dependent on the Memoirs of Sulla. But not only. There are fragments from other source too, probably the same that Appian of Alexandria used. Therefore the Author wonders to what extend Plutarch was tendentious in presenting the Sullan War. Secondly, the author shows which moments of the Sullan War were of especial interest to Plutarch of Chaeronea and tries to answer why some of the events (for example the negotiations between Sulla and Scipio) Plutarch was to described so briefly. Finally, the author indicates why this report of Plutarch of Chaeronea remains a very important source for any historian of the civil wars in Rome.
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Historians, writers and artists who wanted to pay homage to Cleopatra once again, referred to and still refer to Plutarch’s Life of Antony, first and foremost. It can seem that this main, if not the only ancient work, being quite a compact story about the Egyptian queen, has been ultimately interpreted in numerous review editions and biographies of Cleopatra. However, Plutarch’s Cleopatra has not been analysed as a separate work — excerpts from Life of Antony have always been combined with other sources in order to obtain a single picture. And in belles-lettres, the work of this ancient moralist have been exploited for centuries in such a way that it is no longer Plutarch’s property. Literary works from different epochs, in the form of interpretations, with Shakespeare’s Antony and Cleopatra at the head of the list, have distorted the ancient moralist’s message. It turns out that when we reject Shakespeare’s prism that we usually use when examining Plutarch’s Cleopatra and we start to analyse Antony’s biography only in the context of other works written by the moralist of Chaeronea, considering them to be a peculiar comment on Life of Antony, we are able to see a completely different picture to the one we are used to. Divine powers, present on the pages of the ancient work and implicating gods and people in love and desire do not have access to the queen. However, everything suggests that in the case of “the romance of all time” we can see in the moralist’s work something he did not write at all. We refer to Life of Antony and we envisage the character of Cleopatra described by Shakespeare and his successors.
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The paper focuses on the reception of Plutarch’s Moralia in Theodore Metochites’ Semeioseis gnomikai. It discusses chapter 71 of Metochites’ work, one of several chapters focused on ancient authors, which is dedicated to Plutarch. Metochites praises Plutarch as a wise man and a philosopher and in particular approves of his character. According to Metochites, Plutarch was not tainted by the usual flaws of intellectuals such as envy and arrogance, but was motivated by a pure love of wisdom and generously acknowledged the achievements of his predecessors. Metochites interprets Plutarch’s erudition, polymathia, as a sign of a noble, high-minded nature, and therefore as evidence of moral virtue.
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Translation into Polish, introduction and commentary of the work "De libris propris" by Galen of Pergamon.
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The term didaktikos, first used by the ancient Greeks, referred to someone who was able to teach. However, not only in the sense of providing information and knowledge, but effectively conveying them so that they serve practical purposes. The aim of the contribution is to find out whether the gnomes of Gregory of Nazianzus formally meet the basic standards of didactic literature and thus to point out whether it is appropriate to use them as an inspirational source for writing sermons. By means of analytical and comparative method, we assess the presence of the basic features of homilies as well as whether they can be identified in the gnomes of Gregory of Nazianzus. The analysis confirms that homiletic texts are compatible with the gnomes by Gregory of Nazianzus and can be thus used as an inspirational source for writing sermons. Nazianzus’ gnomes – the subject of our research – are also interesting for the readers today and have a lot to offer. Even if it is unlikely that the poetry of Gregory of Nazianzus attracts broad readership, the sermon can be the tool that conveys the author’s moral legacy.
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In this paper I propose to analyse Evagrius Ponticus’ treatment of emotions, especially happiness, in his Scholia to the Psalms. First, I will contextualise Evagrius’ work, which has just been published, with its own characteristics, both in terms of literary genre and in terms of the type of Evagrian exegesis. Then, the place of emotions in the text will be discussed, with particular emphasis on joy, on the basis of the analysis of all the occurrences of that concept in the Scholia. As a result, it is observed that Evagrius’ hermeneutic of the Psalms, at least in the case of joy, is fundamentally allegorical, which would make impossible the existence of joy in man in its classical sense, since it could only be experienced as the reaction to the possession of a spiritual good, which is gnosis or knowledge of God. In this way, the Scholia to the Psalms support the spiritualistic interpretation of Evagrius’ doctrine.
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This study deals with historical and demographic aspects from the early history of Mesopotamia. The history of the immigration of the Semites in the 3rd millennium B.C. is presented from the oldest evidence to the domination of the Akkadian Empire (ca. 2900-2300). Especially the names of persons and places are informative. The integration into the autochthonous Sumerian society seems to have proceeded largely without conflict. After the Semitic dynasty of Akkade had gained dominance for about 150 years around 2300, there are detailed reports about several large uprisings in Sumer. Their backgrounds are analysed. From the detailed data on the high numbers of victims, the question of the consequences for Sumerian society arises. Various methods of historical demography are presented, the results of research are referred to, conclusions on population density are attempted, and strategies for conflict resolution are discussed.
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Egyptian domination on the territories of Southern Levant during the Late Bronze Age brought the conquerors to maintain close contacts with the local population. Among other techniques of domination, the Pharaohs made massive use of political and religious propaganda. The identification of some divinities of the Egyptian and Palestinian Pantheons enabled both populations to share the same places of worship, which promoted contact with local communities and made integration and life together possible. This cultural entanglement operation had both ideological and functional goals. Palestinian shrines and temples became multifunctional centers well integrated into the socio-cultural context, used as the centers for the collection of taxes imposed by the Egyptian rulers.
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In the Late Bronze Age, Egypt controlled the city-states of the Southern Levant, even though local rulers maintained partial autonomy. However, the period ended with a crisis that seems to have considerably changed the local power structures along with the disappearance of the Egyptian empire in the region. This paper shows how both Egyptian power and its relatively rapid disappearance worsened the crisis. Three factors are highlighted: Egyptian policy of weakening the defensive capabilities of Levantine city-states, the Egyptians’ demand for different resources and how these two aspects made city-states unable to adapt successfully to the new post- Egyptian situation.
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The paper proposes a new approach to the conflict between Hattušili I and Tawananna using the new interpretation of some historiolae of Zuwi’s ritual. A political interpretation of these historiolae explains their content better than a magical one. Tracing the parallels between the animal figures in Zuwi’s ritual and in the political rhetoric of Hattušili I allows us to reconstruct an alliance between the royal relatives as well as the priesthood being the opponents to the Old Hittite external expansion.
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The article explores the ways how Hittite kings justified their usurpations of power, such usurpations happening almost constantly during the whole period of the Hittite kingdom, from the Old Hittite period until the fall of the empire. It focuses on three outstanding texts illuminating prominent cases in the Hittite history: the Proclamation of Telepinu which gives important information about several usurpations during the late 17th and 16th century BC, the First Plague Prayer of Muršili I which illuminates the reaction to the 14th century BC usurpation of Šuppiluliuma I, and the Apology of Ḫattušili III from the 13th century BC, which stands out as our best example of justification of a successful usurpation in the ancient Near Eastern region. These three cases reveal different strategies of justification accepted by the Hittite kings.
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The discussion about the principles of succession in the Hittite kingdom has been largely focused on the Old Kingdom period and not so much on its later history. But through a variety of sources (diplomatic treaties, oath impositions etc.) from the New Kingdom, one could take a gander at how the passing of the throne was viewed at those times. Unsurprisingly, similar to the previous era, the norm was still that a son of a king was to inherit the throne, but there are enough hints in the text that sometimes the political whims and needs of a king (and a queen) superseded tradition and succession rules were more fluid. In addition, the fact that certain kings felt the need to constantly take steps to legitimize and secure their and their successor’s position over rivalling branches of the royal family shows that the transference of power in the Hittite New Kingdom was still problematic.
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In the Greek world, power was based on charismatic aretē, excellence. For that reason, rulers had to prove their charismatic qualities in order to rule. However, maintaining charismatic rule over generations was difficult, especially as the successor had to show himself to be more charismatic than his predecessor. In this chapter, we will consider the rule of the Deinomenids in late sixth- and early fifth-century Sicily. We will see how power was established through the charismatic activities of the older brother (Gelon), and how the younger brother (Hieron) then had to assert his position in relation to his elder brother. Drawing on Graeber and Sahlins’ model of the metaperosn, this chapter will argue that in the dynastic succession between the Deinomenids, Hieron struggled to maintain charismatic legitimacy, which meant that power was lost, and the dynasty was overthrown.
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Tyrannies emerging in the Greek poleis during the Archaic period (8.–6. centuries BC), among which the rule of the Kypselid dynasty in Corinth appears as an outstanding example, were in many respects comparable to the city-state monarchies in Ancient Near East, particularly in Iron Age Levant. The rulers performed important governmental functions and were able to legitimate their power for a notable period of time. However, differently from the East, these monarchies were never wholly entrenched and were eventually replaced by republican governments. The article explores the reason for this difference, suggesting that it was caused by the relative egalitarianism of the Greek societyprecluding an accumulation of sufficient resources for entrenching the power.
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The paper suggests that there are traces of political opposition in Thebes during the years of its hegemony in Greece (371-362 BCE). The analysis of a trial against Epameinondas in 369 BCE, signals this event as a political trial. Other episodes during these years demonstrate that this and other trials can be considered as examples of Schauprozess, as lately theorized by Koskenniemi. In a system where political opposition was restrained by the lack of institutional provisos, the trials were used to attack opponents, using legal means for achieving political ends.
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This paper presents the results of the techno-typological and functional analysis of the knapped lithic ensemble belonging to the Coțofeni community from Alun site – Terasa Dacică 1. The lithic material appears to be typical of these communities, which use local raw materials that are found at short distances from the site. The tools were made to perform functions such as cutting and scrapping various materials.
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Situl de la Teleac a fost descoperit în urmă cu 70 de ani și cercetat științific în 1959-1960, 1978-1987, 2007; ultimele cercetări au început în 2016. Aici este prezentată o selecție a rezultatelor cercetărilor Școlii Europene de Vară 2010-2011. Accentul este pus pe un grup de obiecte rezultate în urma prospecțiunii cu detectorul de metale, precum și pe săpătura unei concentrări de obiecte identificate în acest proces. Cel mai probabil, este vorba de un depozit care a fost puternic deranjat de lucrările agricole. Depozitul includea mai multe obiecte din bronz (bijuterii: mărgele, catarame, pandantive, falere) și obiecte din fier (unelte: cuțite, topoare, securi) și nu conținea deci nici o armă. Într-o suprafață cercetată în 2011, a fost identificat contextul inițial al depozitului deranjat care conținea și câteva vase complete. Ceramica indică forme de tradiție Gáva, dar, pe baza unor piese cu decor caracteristic, acestea pot fi atribuite culturii Basarabi. Astfel, depozitul poate fi datat în perioada Hallstatt B3-C. De un interes deosebit sunt câteva elemente de port (mărgele, pandantive, falere), care găsesc bune analogii printre bronzurile macedonene. Din această perspectivă, se propune o nouă clasificare a depozitului descoperit la Vințu de Jos II, care conținea, de asemenea, un ansamblu de tipul bronzurilor macedonene. Sunt abordate legăturile la mare distanță, până în Caucaz spre est și Italia. O legătură între Caucaz și bronzurile macedonene a fost menționată în mai multe rânduri, deși traseul conexiunii nu era clar. Transilvania (Teleac, Vințu de Jos II) ar putea fi văzută, eventual, ca o punte între cele două regiuni.
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Articolul discută rezultatele unei periegheze sistematice organizate în anul 2022, în arealul necropolelor din epoca fierului de la Sâncrai - Darvas (jud. Alba). Periegheza face parte dintr-un proiect mai larg care are ca scop studierea modului în care diferite comunități de pe valea mijlocie a Mureşului au interacționat cu mediul înconjurător, creând, utilizând și transformând o serie de peisaje caracteristice din epoca fierului și până în perioada romană. Un alt scop mai restrâns este de a înțelege nu doar practicile funerare ale diverselor comunități ale epocii fierului care au utilizat același spațiu funerar, dar și apariția și transformarea peisajului ritual local și legăturile acestuia cu așezările din zonă și cu modurile lor de utilizare a teritoriului.Necropolele din epoca fierului de la Sâncrai - Darvas au fost inițial identificate în anul 2015, înainte de construirea noii autostrăzi Sebeş – Turda. Cercetările arheologice preventive au fost realizate în anul 2016, fiind descoperite două necropole, una datată în orizontul scitic, iar cealaltă în perioada LT C2. Deoarece spațiul funerar se extindea spre vest, în afara zonei afectate de construcția autostrăzii, un nou proiect arheologic a fost inițiat în anul 2020, pentru a continua cercetarea sistematică, multi-disciplinară a celor două necropole.Un număr total de 15 zone au fost selectate pentru periegheze, din care 11 au produs rezultate relevante. Doar șase dintre acestea au inclus descoperiri care pot fi datate în prima epocă a fierului. Cel mai mare număr de fragmente ceramice de acest fel a fost descoperit în zonele 6, 7 și 8. Cele mai timpurii aparțin culturii Gáva, iar altele aparțin fazei finale a primei epoci a fierului, fiind contemporane cu orizontul scitic și cu necropola respectivă de la Sâncrai - Darvas.Dintre cele 11 zone investigate, care au produs rezultate relevante, nouă includ descoperiri care pot fi datate în perioada provincială romană. Ca și în cazul primei epoci a fierului, descoperirile aparținând perioadei provinciale sunt, de asemenea, concentrate în aria mai înaltă a câmpiei inundabile de pe malul stâng al Mureşului, în zonele 5-8. Pe baza distribuției spațiale și a densității artefactelor recuperate, precum și a caracteristicilor tipo-cronologice ale ceramicii, se poate presupune că zonele 7 și 8 fac de fapt parte dintr-o singură așezare rurală în care ar fi putut funcționa cel puțin un atelier ceramic. Această așezare a făcut parte din hinterlandul agricol al micului centru care a existat la Aiud/Brvcla, în perioada provincială romană.
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